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Me, You & Us- Woody Guthrie -one of us all
Updated: 14 Jul 2012
Woody Guthrie at 100: the return of a pariah
Woody Guthrie was shunned by his home state.
Now Oklahoma can finally embrace the singer-songwriter's work • o Billy Bragg in Tulsa, Oklahoma o guardian.co.uk, Thursday 12 July 2012 21.30 BST Woody Guthrie in New York City.
'In the pantheon of American poets he belongs midway between Walt Whitman and Bob Dylan.'
The construction team that kept hammering away all night outside my hotel window in downtown Tulsa are gone by the morning, the fierce glare of the Oklahoma summer forcing them into the shade to rest.
A few blocks away there are streets full of empty buildings, signs that the oil boom of the past decade is long past. Tulsa sure could do with some regeneration.
Woody Guthrie was born not far from here 100 years ago, and as people all over the world celebrate his life and work this weekend, Oklahoma has still to come to terms with the legacy of its wayward son.
In this conservative midwest state, Woody's work is still viewed through the prism of the McCarthy era, when the state department accused folk singers of "un-American activities".
However, it's not what Woody did in the 1940s that still riles people in these parts.
It's what his followers did in the 60s that made Woody a pariah in his home state.
For Woody was the original singer-songwriter, the first to use his voice not just to entertain, but to ask why people should remain dirt poor in a country as rich as the US.
It was Woody's words that prompted the young Robert Zimmerman to leave his home in the Iron Range of Minnesota and head for New York.
Changing his name to Bob Dylan and singing as if he came from the red dirt of Oklahoma, he inspired a generation of articulate young Americans to unleash a torrent of criticism against the complacency of their unequal society.
The fact that Woody was a hero to that generation of long-haired freaks ensured that he and his songs would remain largely unsung in Oklahoma.
Yet perceptions change.
In the 1990s Woody's daughter, Nora Guthrie, began a labour of love, gathering up all her father's papers and creating the Woody Guthrie Archive in New York City.
The man who emerged from the countless boxes of songs, prose and drawings was a much more complex figure than the Dust Bowl balladeer of legend.
Woody was afflicted by Huntington's disease, an incurable degenerative disorder of the nervous system that gradually incapacitates, leading inexorably to death.
The years after the second world war are generally held to have marked Woody's decline into ill health, but the archive suggests otherwise.
Perhaps aware that he was succumbing to the same illness that had killed his mother, Woody upped his already prodigious output, writing three or four songs a day in the house on Mermaid Avenue, in Brooklyn, where he lived with his wife, Marjorie, and three kids.
He wrote songs about riding in a flying saucer, about making love to film star Ingrid Bergman, about getting drunk and chasing women with his sailor buddies.
Clearly the material in the archive – now estimated to stretch to more than 3,000 complete songs – would force us to reassess our idea of who Woody Guthrie was.
Fitting then, as we gather here to celebrate his centenary, that news should come that the Woody Guthrie Archive is relocating to a purpose-built facility in downtown Tulsa.
Bringing Woody home is a gamble, but Nora Guthrie knows that Oklahoma needs to rediscover her father's work, now more than ever.
Bruce Springsteen and Pete Seeger sang Woody's most famous song, This Land is Your Land, at Obama's inauguration – but Oklahoma is the only state in the union that failed to return a single district in favour of America's first African-American president.
In the pantheon of American poets, Woody belongs midway between Walt Whitman and Bob Dylan, but it is his roots in Oklahoma that give his work an authentic voice, ringing out from the dusty midwestern plains: a welcome antidote to the easy jibe that, if you're poor and white in this part of the world, you're bound to be a redneck.
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Me, You & Us - The Mandela family
Updated: 09 Jul 2012
Nelson Mandela's daughters emerge from his shadow to forge careers
The family of South Africa's former president has spread its wings to take advantage of the freedoms he won for them •
• David Smith in Johannesburg • guardian.co.uk, Saturday 7 July 2012 23.37 BST Nelson Mandela with his daughter Zenani Mandela-Dlamini, left, and granddaughter Ndileka.
"Do you understand that you were nearly born in jail?" Nelson Mandela once wrote to his daughter, Zenani. "Not many people have had your experience of having been in jail before you were born."
Zenani's mother, Winnie, had been detained by apartheid police for taking part in a women's protest shortly before giving birth to her in Soweto in 1959.
Her father was imprisoned when she was five.
There would be no innocence of what it meant to bear South Africa's most famous surname. Zenani (the name means "what have you brought to the world?" in the Xhosa language) Mandela-Dlamini emerged from her father's shadow last week to join the country's diplomatic corps.
The 53-year-old, who studied science at Boston University and became a Swazi princess through marriage, was named as ambassador to Argentina after a successful career in business.
The appointment was widely described as the first foray into public life by one of Mandela's children, although this may be harsh on Zenani's sister, Zindzi, who was active in the African National Congress underground during the anti-apartheid struggle and famously relayed a defiant message from her father to a crowd in Soweto in 1985.
Mandela's grandson and oldest male heir, Mandla, has followed him into parliament.
But he is very much the exception.
The Mandelas cannot be characterised as a political dynasty.
This in a nation where the name Mandela confers a priceless cachet and is attached, for example, to a bridge, square, theatre, annual lecture, scholarship, wine label and more than one museum and street.
The ANC has been criticised for dragging the frail former president, who turns 94 later this month, to its election rallies. A charismatic successor with his DNA might have been unstoppable.
Such manoeuvres are not unknown in Africa but Mandela, who stepped down after one term, is different.
"I don't find it surprising at all," said Verne Harris, head of the Nelson Mandela Centre of Memory.
"My father was a jazz musician and I very deliberately didn't pick up an instrument because I didn't want to be subject to scrutiny and found wanting.
This is probably a common response from the children of successful parents."
South Africa's first family could never be described as ordinary.
Mandela's devotion to politics came at a high price.
His children have recalled that, even when not in prison, he was emotionally cold and distant, seeing his role as disciplinarian and provider.
He has married three times and fathered six children.
Three have died: one as an infant in 1948, another in a car crash in 1969 and a third from an Aids-related illness in 2005.
His surviving children are all women: Maki, by his first wife, Evelyn Mase, and Zenani and Zindzi, by his second wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela.
He divorced Winnie in 1996 and is now married to Graca Machel.
According to the Centre of Memory, Mandela currently has 17 grandchildren and 14 great-grandchildren. Maki, 58, is a businesswoman and founder of the House of Mandela wine label, taking on a white-dominated industry.
Asked if she had ever considered a career in politics, she told the Observer: "I'm not a politician.
I think one or two people in politics is enough in this family.
We need to spread.
I really want to cut my teeth in business and see how it goes because I think that we can.
It's one thing to win politically.
We still have a battle in terms of the economic centre.
Black people are nowhere in terms of the economy.
We will know this country is truly transformed when a significant population of black people really actively participate in the economy. Right now we're not there yet."
Her daughter Tukwini, 37, who also works for House of Mandela, added: "I think that my grandfather and Walter Sisulu and the other struggle fighters fought so that we could have self-determination to be whatever we wanted to be.
The opportunity for us to do those things is now.
Not all roads lead to politics; they lead to other things as well."
Tukwini's brother, Kweku, is a filmmaker, though the patriarch's gravitational pull is strong: projects include a TV mini-series about Mandela's life and a documentary showing him with his grandchildren. Three Mandela granddaughters have announced plans to star in a reality TV show.
Some family members appear to revel in celebrity while others shrink from it.
The diversity of the family is clear.
But according to some observers, the house of Mandela is divided against itself.
They point to animosity between factions, in particular the descendants of first wife Evelyn, who died in 2004, and second wife Winnie, now 75.
Perhaps the most polarising figure is Mandla, a village chief who bears a striking resemblance to his grandfather.
Negative headlines swirl around him.
He ordered the exhumation and reburial of Mandela's late children and, controversially, built a replica hut on the remains of the statesman's birthplace.
But one family member said: "One day he is going to be the head of the family.
That's the custom and we have to respect it." Maki Mandela burst into laughter at the suggestion of internecine warfare.
"Show me one family that doesn't have," she said.
"Churchill's family was. Every family has its intricacies.
Ours is no different; it's got its own intricacies, but it doesn't mean that we don't get along…
"Yes, there are times when you don't see eye to eye on things – you don't see eye to eye with your brothers, with your sisters.
That's why there's something called sibling rivalry.
We Mandelas did not create it.
It's something that's out there.
"But I think one of the things that unite us is our dad.
We can come from different mothers but the uniting person is tata [father]."
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Me, You & Us - Camila Batmanghelidjh- Kids Company
Updated: 03 Jul 2012
Camila Batmanghelidjh
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Camila Batmanghelidjh receiving her honorary doctorate from the Open University in April 2008
Born 1963 Tehran, Iran
Known for Businesswoman, author and philanthropist
Camila Batmanghelidjh ("Batmanjelidge", born 1963, Tehran, Iran) is a British businesswoman, charity leader and author of Iranian and Belgian origin.
She has been living in England since the age of 11[1] and founded two charities - the place2b[2] and Kids Company where she and her team care for 14,000 vulnerable children and young people in London.
The charity operates from three street level centres in Southwark, Lambeth and Camden, as well as working in 37 inner-city schools. She lives in West Hampstead.[3]
[edit] BackgroundBatmanghelidjh was born in Tehran into a wealthy professional family.
Her mother was a Roman Catholic from Belgium, while her Muslim, Persian father was the highly controversial doctor Fereydoon Batmanghelidj.[4][5]
Her family were supporters of the Shah and so hugely impacted by the 1979 revolution.
She moved to England when she was 11 years old.
She attended the fee paying Sherborne Girls school in Dorset, where she claims "everybody thought I was completely odd.
Y'know they just thought I was a total oddball".[6]
Severely dyslexic[7], she has to dictate everything and cannot use a computer or text. [8]
But after leaving Sherbourne she went on to gain a first in Theatre and Dramatic Arts from the University of Warwick.[9]
Later she went to work as a nanny in prosperous households in west London, where she discovered a knack for dealing with emotionally damaged children.[10]
She has been described as "Britain's most colourful charity leader".[11] and is well known for her eccentric and flamboyant dress sense: "it takes me probably 5 minutes to get dressed. I don't think about it at all... But the way I dress matches my psychological energy, so when I get up in the morning I think 'What colour do I want to wear today?' and I just bung it on really quickly and get out. I don't worry about what people think at all... And it's instantaneous - I instantly know what fabrics go together and what doesn't - and it's just instinctive."[12]
In 2009 the Women in Public Life Awards named her Businesswoman of the Year
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Me , You & Us- Winnie Mandela in hospital
Updated: 20 Nov 2011
Winnie Madikizela-Mandela in hospital
JOHANNESBURG, SOUTH AFRICA - Nov 18 2011 12:43
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Winnie Madikizela-Mandela has been hospitalised in Johannesburg to treat her diabetes -- for the second time time in three months -- her daughter said on Friday.
"Mrs Winnie Madikizela-Mandela is being treated at Milpark Hospital for an existing diabetes condition," Zindzi Mandela said in a statement.
Madikizela-Mandela (75) was briefly hospitalised in September for a foot operation.
Madikizela-Mandela was married to former president Nelson Mandela from 1957 to 1996, though they had officially separated four years earlier.
She had tirelessly campaigned for his release during his 27-year imprisonment under apartheid.
Her image was tarnished by a series of scandals, including her links to the kidnap and murder of a young activist and a 2003 fraud conviction.
But she remains an influential figure as a parliamentarian and a member of the ANC's national executive committee.
Three weeks ago she made headlines by testifying for ANC Youth Leader Julius Malema during the disciplinary hearing that resulted in his suspension from the party.
She is one of the most visible backers of Malema's calls for "economic freedom" -- which he says should be achieved by nationalising mines and seizing white-owned farms.
Last month she told Malema that she wants him to liberate South Africa, saying: "Come to me and I will show you how." -- AFP
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ME YOU & US- PEOPLE IN HISTORY-JIMMY REID- UCS
Updated: 20 Aug 2011
The new left for Scotland
Friday 19 August 2011
by Gregor Gall
The Jimmy Reid Foundation was launched last week, a year to the day of Reid's death.
The launch took place in the Pearce Institute in Govan, Glasgow, which is next door to Govan Old Parish Church where his main funeral service took place.
One of the UCS work-in shipyards is also just down the road from the launch venue.
And the room used in the Institute was the Mary Barbour room, named after a Govan woman and housewife who led the Glasgow rent strikes during the first world war.
The year 2011 is also the 40th anniversary of the beginning of the UCS work-in.
The history and symbolism of all this was very much in keeping with what the foundation was launched to do - it will be a think tank, research centre and advocacy group which will outline a radical left-wing agenda for politics in Scotland, provide a non-partisan, non-sectarian rallying point for the left in all Scottish political parties and none, and generate fresh thinking about how to move Scotland forward economically, socially and environmentally.
Consequently it will produce policy ideas, publish research, carry out investigative work in neglected areas, critique the right's ideas, lobby decision-makers and provide a point of contact for accessing left thinkers.
The political values it will be based upon are drawn from Reid's own thinking - that society should be based on equality and social justice, people should have the democratic power to influence their workplace and social institutions, quality of life should be a priority, justice can only come from peace and support for human rights, that education, arts and culture have the power to transform society, and all these principles are underpinned by the importance of socially progressive national identity and a vision for Scotland.
So the foundation follows Reid in both name and ethos. In doing so, one of its major tasks is to try to provide some counterweight and balance to the increasing hegemony of neoliberal ideas in Scottish politics.
Despite the political crisis of neoliberalism, the left-of-centre nature of Scottish society and the devolution settlement, the agenda of tax-cutting, deregulation, charging for services and privatisation is still felt in Scotland.
This means a radical left-of-centre foundation is all the more needed.
The foundation has been set up in the first instance by the Scottish Left Review magazine, Reid's last big political project.
The magazine itself and now the foundation have gained support from many among the trade union movement and across the left so this all bodes well for the meeting of the new body's aims.
Indeed in the September-October 2011 edition contributors will outline what they think are the key and pressing ideas and areas the foundation should begin work on.
It's quite legitimate to ask whether the left needs another organisation in Scotland.
While Tony Benn's refrain of too many socialist parties and not enough socialists is always apt, the foundation is not another party in all but name.
But more importantly, the radical left is badly split and divided in Scotland - it should be much bigger and punching above its weight.
So the foundation hopes to be not only a way of bringing about some badly needed common purpose but also to rejuvenate and regenerate so that the promise of having a devolved settlement is realised.
If the foundation was able to popularise the idea of socialising the market by ameliorating its processes and outcomes, this sense of social democracy could become a new common sense for our age.
Hopefully this would then provide a stepping stone on to fuller forms of political, economic and industrial democracy.
All this is therefore very much in keeping with the statement that led Reid and others to launch the Scottish Left Review in 2000: "Such a forum is urgently required at a time when the untrammelled play of market forces is not only tolerated but actively promoted as the only agency that can ensure economic prosperity.
Mass poverty and hunger stalks the planet in the midst of actual abundance.
Even in the prosperous and developed parts of the planet a seriously underprivileged class exists cheek by jowl with rampant consumerism.
Alienation is rife.
The greed, which is supposed to be the dynamic of the free market system, menaces the ecology, placing in jeopardy the very existence of our species."
The magazine is in rude health and in its 65th issue.
It will complement the Jimmy Reid Foundation, but above all it will be a support to the foundation as it attempts to recentre Scottish politics on a genuine radical left.
People can donate to and contact the foundation at www.reidfoundation.org or by emailing its director, Robin McAlpine at robin@reidfoundation.org Gregor Gall is professor of industrial relations at the University of Hertfordshire. He lives in Edinburgh and is a member of the management boards of both the Scottish Left Review and the Jimmy Reid Foundation. You can email him at g.gall@herts.ac.uk
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ME YOU & US-WILLIAM BLUM
Updated: 06 Aug 2011
William Blum
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
William Blum (born 1933) is an American author, historian, and critic of United States foreign policy. He studied accounting in college. Later he had a low-level computer-related position at the United States Department of State in the mid-1960s. Initially an anti-communist with dreams of becoming a foreign service officer, he said he became disillusioned by the Vietnam War. He lives in a 1 bedroom apartment in Long Beach, New York.[1]
Journalism
He left the Department in 1967. He then became one of the founders and editors of the Washington Free Press, the first "alternative" newspaper in the capital. In 1969, he wrote and published an exposé of the CIA in which was revealed the names and addresses of more than 200 employees of the Agency. He has worked as freelance journalist in the United States, Europe and South America. From 1972 to 1973 Blum worked as a journalist in Chile, where he reported on the Allende government's "socialist experiment". In the mid-1970s, he worked in London with ex-CIA agent Philip Agee and his associates "on their project of exposing CIA personnel and their misdeeds".[2] He supports himself with his writing and speaking engagements on college campuses.[1]
In his writing, Blum devotes substantial attention to CIA interventions and assassination plots. He has supported Ralph Nader's presidential campaigns.[3] He currently circulates a monthly newsletter by email called "The Anti-Empire Report". Blum has described his life's mission as: "If not ending, at least slowing down the American Empire. At least injuring the beast. It's causing so much suffering around the world."[1]
Osama bin Laden statement
In early 2006, Blum briefly became the subject of widespread media attention when Osama bin Laden issued a public statement in which he quoted Blum and recommended that all Americans read Rogue State: A Guide to the World's Only Superpower. As a result of the mention sales of his book skyrocketed. "I was quite surprised and even shocked and amused when I found out what he'd said," Blum said. "I was glad. I knew it would help the book's sales and I was not bothered by who it was coming from. If he shares with me a deep dislike for the certain aspects of US foreign policy, then I'm not going to spurn any endorsement of the book by him. I think it's good that he shares those views and I'm not turned off by that."[4] On the Bin Laden endorsement Blum stated "This is almost as good as being an Oprah book."[1]
Statements on 9/11
Blum has described the September 11th, 2001 attacks on New York and Washington DC. as "an understandable retaliation against US foreign policy."[5] However, he has also written that there are "serious contradictions and apparent lies in the Official Government Version" of the September 11 attacks and that the New York skyscrapers "collapsed essentially because of a controlled demolition". Blum has suggested elements of the US government "let it happen" using the events as a justification for the war on terror
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YOU ME & US- ROBERT AICKMAN-WRITER, CONSERVATIONIST & INLAND WATERWAYS
Updated: 01 Aug 2011
Robert Aickman
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Robert Fordyce Aickman (27 June 1914 – 26 February 1981) was an English conservationist and writer of fiction and nonfiction. As a writer, he is best known for his supernatural fiction, which he described as "strange stories".
Life
Aickman, born in London, England, was the grandson of the prolific Victorian novelist Richard Marsh (1857–1915), known for his occult thriller The Beetle (1897), a book as popular in its time as Bram Stoker's Dracula.
He originally received his training in architecture, the profession of his father, William Arthur Aickman. In the opening lines of his autobiographical work The Attempted Rescue (1966), Aickman described his father as "the oddest man I have ever known".[1]
Aickman is probably best remembered for his co-founding of the Inland Waterways Association, a group devoted to restoring and preserving England's inland canal system. (One of the association's co-founders, L. T. C. Rolt, also produced a volume of supernatural tales, entitled Sleep No More (London: Constable, 1948).) Aickman was married to Edith Ray Gregorson from 1941 to 1957.
With a keen interest in the theatre, ballet, and music, Aickman also served as a chairman of the London Opera Society and was active in the London Opera Club, the Ballet Minerva, and the Mikron Theatre Company in London.
Aickman died of cancer on 26 February 1981 after refusing to have conventional treatment. His obituary appeared in The Times on 28 February.
Writing
Fiction
As a writer, Aickman is best known for the 48 "strange stories" which were published in eight volumes, one of them posthumous. The American collection Painted Devils consists of revised versions of stories which had previously appeared in other books.
Cold Hand in Mine and Painted Devils featured dust jacket drawings by acclaimed gothic illustrator Edward Gorey. August Derleth proposed that Arkham House should publish a book of Aickman's best stories, but was unable to meet the author's demands and withdrew the proposal. The original collections of short stories are quite scarce, though copies of the U.S. edition of Cold Hand in Mine are very plentiful.
Aickman's published novels were The Late Breakfasters (London: Victor Gollancz, 1964) and The Model: A Novel of the Fantastic (New York: Arbor House, 1987). The latter was a novella which had remained unpublished in his lifetime. Aickman had hoped to have had the latter work illustrated by Edward Gorey. Another novel, entitled Go Back at Once, remains unpublished. S.T. Joshi is at work on this and it may be published.
A previously unpublished short story, "The Fully Conducted Tour", appeared in the Tartarus Press periodical Wormwood in 2005.
] Awards
In 1975, Aickman received the World Fantasy Award for short fiction for his story "Pages from a Young Girl's Journal". This story had originally appeared in February 1973 in The Magazine of Fantasy & Science Fiction; it was reprinted in Cold Hand in Mine.
In 1981, the year of his death, Aickman was awarded the British Fantasy Award for his story "The Stains", which had first appeared in the anthology New Terrors (London: Pan, 1980), edited by Ramsey Campbell. It subsequently appeared posthumously in Night Voices.
Nonfiction
Aickman's autobiographical writing consists of the two memoirs The Attempted Rescue (London: Victor Gollancz, 1966) and The River Runs Uphill: A Story of Success and Failure (Burton-on-Trent: Pearson, 1986). In 2001, Tartarus Press reissued the former volume in a new edition with a foreword by the writer and Aickman enthusiast Jeremy Dyson of the British comedy quartet The League of Gentlemen.
For a time, Aickman served as theatre critic for The Nineteenth Century and After. His reviews remain, to date, uncollected in book form. He also wrote two books relating to his conservation activities, Know Your Waterways and The Story of Our Inland Waterways (both 1955).
Unpublished works
Other than Go Back At Once, mentioned above, Aickman produced a number of other unpublished works. These include the plays Allowance For Error, Duty and The Golden Round. Another book, a vast philosophical work entitled Panacea: The Synthesis of an Attitude ran to over 1000 pages in manuscript form. Copies of these items are preserved, along with all of Aickman's other remaining papers, in the Robert Aickman Collection at Bowling Green State University, Ohio.[2]
Career as editor
In addition to writing his own stories, Aickman edited the first eight volumes of the Fontana Book of Great Ghost Stories between 1964 and 1972. He selected six of his own stories for inclusion over the course of the series. The fourth and sixth volumes lack one of his tales. He also supplied an introduction for every volume except the sixth.
Recent interest
The most detailed biographical and critical study is Gary William Crawford's Robert Aickman: An Introduction (Gothic Press, 2003). Crawford has also compiled an online database of works about Aickman. David Bolton's Race Against Time: How Britain's Waterways Were Saved (Methuen, 1990) contains a great deal of material about Aickman, including several photographs of him, and the final chapter is devoted to him. Elizabeth Jane Howard's autobiography Slipstream (Macmillan, 2002) gives an account of her relationship with him.
Philip Challinor has brought together eight critical essays on Aickman's stories in the chapbook, Akin to Poetry (Gothic Press, 2010.) A critical essay on Aickman's fiction appears in S.T. Joshi's book The Modern Weird Tale (2001). Articles, essays and papers by other authors have appeared on the website Robert Aickman: An Appreciation, and in the journals Studies in Weird Fiction (published by Necronomicon Press), All Hallows (published by the Ghost Story Society), Studies in the Fantastic, Supernatural Tales and Wormwood.
Adaptations
In 1968, a television adaptation of "Ringing the Changes", retitled "The Bells of Hell", appeared on the obscure BBC 2 program Late Night Horror. A radio play version based on "Ringing the Changes" was broadcast on the CBC Radio drama series Nightfall on 31 October 1980.
In 1987, HTV West produced a six-episode anthology series for television called Night Voices, of which four were based upon stories by Aickman: "The Hospice", "The Inner Room", "Hand In Glove" and "The Trains".[3][4]
A 1997 adaptation of "The Swords",directed by Tony Scott appeared as the first episode of the cable original horror anthology series The Hunger.
Jeremy Dyson has adapted Aickman's work into drama in a number of forms. A musical staging of his short story "The Same Dog", for which Dyson co-wrote the libretto with Joby Talbot, premiered in 2000 at the Barbican Concert Hall. In 2000, with his League collaborator Mark Gatiss, Dyson adapted Aickman's short story "Ringing the Changes" into a BBC Radio Four radio play. This aired exactly twenty years after the CBC adaptation, on Halloween, 2000. Dyson also directed a 2002 short film based on Aickman's story "The Cicerones" with Gatiss as the principal actor
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YOU ME & US- TOM ROLT - INLAND WATERWAYS-VINTAGE CARS & HERITAGE RAILWAYS
Updated: 01 Aug 2011
L. T. C. Rolt
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
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Tom Rolt
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Born
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Lionel Thomas Caswall Rolt February 11, 1910(1910-02-11) Chester
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Died
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May 9, 1974(1974-05-09) (aged 64)
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Resting place
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Stanley Pontlarge
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Occupation
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Engineer, technical assistant, writer
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Nationality
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British
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Education
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Cheltenham College
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Period
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1944-1974
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Genres
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Industrial history, Biography, Ghost stories
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Subjects
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Railways, waterways, industrial history
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Notable work(s)
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Narrow Boat, Isambard Kingdom Brunel, George and Robert Stephenson, Thomas Telford, Red for Danger
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Notable award(s)
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Hon MA Newcastle University, Hon MSc University of Bath
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Spouse(s)
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Angela Orred (1939-51) Sonia Smith (1952-1974)
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Children
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Richard (1953), Timothy (1955)
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[ltcrolt.org.uk ltcrolt.org.uk]
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Lionel Thomas Caswall Rolt (usually abbreviated to Tom Rolt or L. T. C. Rolt) (11 February 1910 – 9 May 1974[1][2]) was a prolific English writer and the biographer of major civil engineering figures including Isambard Kingdom Brunel and Thomas Telford. He is also regarded as one of the pioneers of the leisure cruising industry on Britain's inland waterways, and as an enthusiast for both vintage cars and heritage railways.
Biography
Tom Rolt was born in Chester to a line of Rolts "dedicated to hunting and procreation". His father Lionel had settled back in England in Hay-on-Wye after working on a cattle ranch in Australia, a plantation in India and joining (unsuccessfully) in the Yukon gold rush of 1898. However he lost most of his money in 1920 after investing his capital in a company which failed and the family moved to a pair of stone cottages in Stanley Pontlarge in Gloucestershire.[3]
Chester memorial plaque
Tom studied at Cheltenham College and at 16 took a job learning about steam traction before starting an apprenticeship at the Kerr Stuart locomotive works in Stoke-on-Trent, where his uncle, Kyrle Willans was chief development engineer. His uncle bought a wooden narrow fly horse boat called Cressy and installed first a steam engine and then (having discovered the steam made steering through tunnels impossible) a Ford Model T engine. This was Tom's introduction to the canal system.
In the thirties slump he was jobless and turned to vintage sports cars, taking part in the veteran run to Brighton and acquiring a succession of cars including a 1924 Alvis 12/15 two seater 'ducks back' which he was to keep for the rest of his life.[4] He bought into a motor garage partnership in Hartley Wintney in Hampshire (their breakdown vehicle was an adapted 1911 Rolls Royce Silver Ghost) and together with a local landlord, Tim Carson, formed the Vintage Sports-Car Club in 1934. He also found and helped create the Prescott hill climb.
In 1936, Kyrle bought back Cressy, which he had earlier sold, and several trips on the waterways convinced Rolt that he wanted a life afloat. He persuaded Angela Orred, a young blonde in a white polo-necked sweater who had swept into his garage in an Alfa Romeo in 1937 and got caught up into the vintage car scene, to join him in this idyll. Tom bought Cressy from his uncle and set about converting her into a boat that could be lived aboard, the most notable addition being a bath.
By the summer of 1939 they decided to defy Angela's father's reluctance and got married in secret on 11 July and within two weeks had set off up the Oxford Canal in Cressy. But the second world war intervened and Tom, a pacifist at heart, immediately signed up at the Rolls Royce factory at Crewe (on the production line for the Spitfire's Merlin engine). He was saved from the tedium of the production line by the offer of a job in an Aldbourne foundry. They battled south in Cressy through storms, reaching Banbury a day before the canals were finally frozen over for the winter.
Their first four month cruise became a book which he initially called Painted Ship. Despite sending the manuscript to many publishers, he had to put it aside as they all considered there was no market for books about canals. It wasn't until a magazine article he wrote came to the attention of the countryside writer H. J. Massingham that he had the break which led to the book's finally being published in December 1944 under the title Narrow Boat. It was an immediate success both with critics and public, with fan mail arriving on the boat at Tardebigge where they were then moored.
Two of the letters he received were from Robert Aickman and Charles Hadfield who were both to figure prominently in the next phase of his life, as a campaigner. He invited Robert and his wife Ray to join them on Cressy and this trip Robert later described as "the best time I have ever spent on the waterways". It was on this voyage they decided to form an organization that a few weeks later in May 1946 at Robert's London flat got the name of the Inland Waterways Association, with Robert as chairman, Charles Hadfield as vice-chairman and Tom as secretary.
This was a critical period for the waterways, which were nationalised in 1947 and faced an uncertain future, as the traditional life which Rolt had so movingly described was faced with extinction. Tom pioneered a direct action on the Stratford-upon-Avon Canal which stopped British Waterways from closing it, organised a hugely successful Inland Waterways Exhibition, which started in London but toured the country, and proposed the first boat rally at Market Harborough. Aickman, with a private income, was working full-time on the campaign whilst Rolt, who had only his writing to support himelf and was still living aboard Cressy, struggled to meet all the commitments he found himself with. Eventually he fell out with Aickman over the latter's insistence that every mile of canal should be saved and in early 1951 was expelled from the organization he had inspired.
By this time also he had decided to bring his life on Cressy to an end and return to his family home in Stanley Pontlarge. Angela departed to continue the mobile life, joining Billy Smart's Circus.
A letter he had sent to the Birmingham Post in 1950 resulted in the formation of the Talyllyn Railway Preservation Society and he now threw himself into this and became chairman of the company, which operated it as a tourist attraction. "By the time the fateful letter terminating his IWA membership arrived, he was already busy issuing and stamping passengers' tickets from the little station in Towyn".[5]
He got married again to Sonia South, a former actress, who during the war had become one of the amateur boat women who worked the canals and had married a boatman. She had been on the council of the IWA. They had two sons, Tim and Dick, and continued to live in Stanley Pontlarge till Rolt's death in 1974.
The fifties were his most prolific time as an author with the best known being biographies of Brunel, which stimulated a revival of interest in a forgotten hero,[6] [7] George and Robert Stephenson, and Telford, and his classic Red for Danger, about historic railway accidents, which became a text book on numerous engineering courses. He produced many works about subjects that had not previously been considered the stuff of literature: civil engineering, canals, railways, etc. In the last years of his life he produced 3 volumes of autobiography, only one of which was published during his lifetime.
Achievements and honours
The Tom Rolt locomotive
He was Vice-President of the Newcomen Society, which established a Rolt Prize;[8] a trustee and member of the Advisory Council of the Science Museum; member of the York Railway Museum Committee; an honorary MA of Newcastle; an honorary MSc of Bath and a Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature. He was a joint founder of the Association for Industrial Archaeology, which has an annual Rolt lecture. He helped to form the Ironbridge Gorge Museum Trust.
A locomotive Tom Rolt on the Talyllyn Railway, the world's first preserved railway, was named in his memory in 1991. His book Railway Adventure recalls this period.
Plaque at bridge 146 on the Oxford Canal, Banbury
Rolt observed the changes in society resulting from the industrial-scientific revolution. In the epilogue to his biography of I.K.Brunel he writes two years before C. P. Snow makes similar statements about the split between the arts and sciences:
Men spoke in one breath of the arts and sciences and to the man of intelligence and culture it seemed essential that he should keep himself abreast of developments in both spheres. ... So long as the artist or the man of culture had been able to advance shoulder to shoulder with engineer and scientist and with them see the picture whole, he could share their sense of mastery and confidence and believe wholeheartedly in material progress. But so soon as science and the arts became divorced, so soon as they ceased to speak a common language, confidence vanished and doubts and fears came crowding in.
He set out these ideas more fully in his book High Horse Riderless, a classic of green philosophy.
A bridge (no. 164) on the Oxford Canal in Banbury bears his name (in commemoration of his book Narrow Boat), as does a centre at the boat museum at Ellesmere Port in Cheshire. A blue plaque to Mr. Rolt was unveiled in at Tooley's Boatyard, Banbury on 7 August 2010 as part of the centenary celebrations of his birth.[9]
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ME YOU & US-PHIL THE HONORARY DOC
Updated: 25 Jul 2011
Phil Tufnell Awarded Honorary Doctorate
20 July 2011
Phil Tufnell Awarded Honorary Doctorate
Former international cricketer Phil Tufnell was presented with an honorary doctorate by Middlesex University today (Middlesex University's Hendon Campus, 10.30am, 20 July), recognising his achievements in sport and the media.
Phil joined students, many graduating from sports related degree courses. Aside from a successful cricket career with Middlesex and England, Phil has also capitalised on his reputation as an entertainer with a wide range of TV work including BBC’s A Question of Sport, The One Show I’m A Celebrity...Get Me Out Of Here.
Middlesex University Vice-Chancellor Michael Driscoll said: “Phil was a match winner on the pitch but also a much loved character off it. To be able to honour a local boy who has reached the very top of his game is a real pleasure, and his achievements will be an inspiration to our students.”
Phil said: “As a cricketer, Middlesex was my county team and North London is where I grew up, so it’s a real pleasure to receive this honorary doctorate from Middlesex University. I’m wishing the next generation of graduates the best of luck.”
The award is made as part of the University’s annual graduation celebrations, with honorary degrees presented to people who have made an outstanding contribution to their profession or the community.
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YOU, ME AND US- MANDELA AT 93
Updated: 18 Jul 2011
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On his birthday, millions honour the contribution of former political prisoner turned president and world icon.
Last Modified: 18 Jul 2011 11:10
AL JAZEERA
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| Mandela became president after spending 27 years in prison for fighting the apartheid regime [EPA] |
South Africans are celebrating Nelson Mandela's 93rd birthday with millions of schoolchildren singing for the anti-apartheid icon, while others in the country rallied to do charity work in honour of his contributions as a rights activist.
More than 12 million schoolchildren sang a special version of "Happy Birthday" before lessons began on Monday, in an event coordinated by his official Nelson Mandela Foundation, the government and other groups.
In a statement, the foundation said that by organising the campaign it "hopes to mobilise the entire society to promote education, unity and social cohesion in honour of Madiba".
For many South Africans, the elder statesman is also thought of as a beloved family member and referred to by his clan name, Madiba.
Mandela became South Africa's first black president in 1994 after spending 27 years in prison for his fight against apartheid. He was awarded a Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts.
On Monday, the former statesman also received birthday wishes from world leaders including South African President Jacob Zuma, who praised Mandela's contribution to South Africa.
In a statement, Zuma said everyone knew South Africa would be different country the moment Mandela stepped out of prison.
"He showed us that despite the divisive racial oppression and hardships that this nation had gone through, it is not only possible, but necessary to embrace one another and to reconcile the South African people," Zuma said.
Zuma, who planned to visit Mandela in Qunu after meeting with visiting British Prime Minister David Cameron in Pretoria, used the occasion to call for greater efforts to end poverty.
"We have achieved a lot, but we must still work further to eradicate poverty and improve especially the lives of children, because Madiba loves them so much.".
A mesage from US President Barack Obama, called Mandela "a beacon for the global community, and for all who work for democracy, justice and reconciliation".
67 minutes
In 2009, Mandela's birthday - 18 July - was declared as an international day devoted to public service.
It is observed as Mandela Day, recognised by the United Nations as a global call to volunteer for good causes for 67 minutes - one minute for every year Mandela spent in active politics.
South Africans cleaned and painted schools, orphanages and clinics, while others donated food, clothes, books and toys to charity.
UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon urged the world to observe Mandela's call to carry out volunteer work.
"Everybody remembers and, indeed, needs an inspirational figure who has played a signal role in their lives. Nelson Mandela has been that role model for countless people around the world," Ban said.
Mandela, who has retired from public life, is expected to spend the day with his family in his home village of Qunu, some 1,000km south of Johannesburg.
"He's just going to have a relaxing time with his family," Nelson Mandela Foundation spokesman Sello Hatang said.
Increasingly frail with age, Mandela was last seen in public just before his 92nd birthday, when he and his third wife Graca Machel made an appearance at the FIFA World Cup final in Johannesburg.
On Sunday, he spent the day with his family in Qunu. He looked well in photographs taken with his family and published on his foundation's website.
Mandela is revered for having ushered in democracy and for his personal sacrifices in fighting the apartheid regime. He used his warmth, dignity and self-deprecating humour to help heal racial divisions and opened a process of reconciliation.
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ME YOU & US - BOB DYLAN AT 70
Updated: 21 May 2011
How Bob Dylan looks back to go forward
Bob Dylan – who turns 70 next week – learnt to age gracefully from one of the great bluesmen.
By Philip Horne 8:00AM BST 21 May 2011
As Bob Dylan turns 70, and nearly 50 years after his debut album Bob Dylan (1962), it seems a moment to look back. Dylan at his best has always been a forward-looking artist, but he’s also an artist with a rich and pungent sense of the past.
In his extraordinary memoir Chronicles: Volume One (2004), Dylan records a musical crisis that he experienced in the late Eighties (and it’s one his audiences, loyal Bobcats included, had been feeling too).
He couldn’t get in touch with his old songs, couldn’t sing them as if they were his.
“Many times I’d come near the stage before a show,” he confesses, “and would catch myself thinking that I wasn’t keeping my word with myself. What that word was, I couldn’t exactly remember, but I knew it was back there somewhere.”
He happened to pass a bar in which an old jazz singer was performing with a small band, was struck by the power of the veteran’s performance, and realised he could do likewise.
Around the same time he recognised that his guitar technique was not what he wanted it to be.
Where did he turn? Back to the Mississippi blues, where he found a dynamic model to give new life to his music.
“I didn’t invent this style,” he writes. “It had been shown to me in the early Sixties by Lonnie Johnson.
Lonnie was the great jazz and blues artist from the Thirties who was still performing in the Sixties.
Robert Johnson had learnt a lot from him. Lonnie took me aside one night and showed me a style of playing based on an odd- instead of even-number system.”
It seems astonishing that Dylan, a performer still travelling the world on his Never Ending Tour, was taught a guitar style by the same man who inspired Robert Johnson, the legendary blues musician of the Thirties said to have made a Paganini-style pact with the devil at a crossroads to give power to his music.
And it completes a circle, since in the early Sixties the young Dylan heard the first reissue of Robert Johnson’s music and, he says, “Johnson’s words made my nerves quiver like piano wires”.
In Chronicles Dylan says it was the combination of Robert Johnson’s “dark night of the soul”, Woody Guthrie’s “hopped-up union meeting sermons”, Brecht and Weill’s sardonic style in Pirate Jenny and the 19th-century French poet Arthur Rimbaud’s surreal dislocations that came together and gave him his own voice.
But in truth there aren’t just four inspirations, there are hundreds: Dylan is a musical explorer of amazing depth. In “My Life in a Stolen Moment”, a poem of 1962, he already declares that “I can’t tell you the influences ’cause there’s too many to mention an’ I might leave one out?/ An’ that wouldn’t be fair”.
Greil Marcus in his terrific book on The Basement Tapes, Invisible Republic (1997), has a chapter on Dylan’s debt to the great, eccentric Harry Smith six-album Anthology of American Folk Music of 1952.
Marcus’s chapter honours “The Old, Weird America”, and that’s where Dylan’s roots are. “Folk music was a reality of a more brilliant dimension,” Dylan says in Chronicles; and he still sees himself as a folk singer, in his own sense.
- Philip Horne is a professor of English at UCL. He will be among those speaking on The Seven Ages of Dylan at Bristol University on Tues. Info: www.dylan-at-seventy.weebly.com/
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ME YOU & US- QUINTUS TERTULLIAN
Updated: 10 May 2011
Tertullian
From Wikiquote
It is certainly no part of religion to compel religion.
Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus (born ca. 150-160, died ca. 220-240) A major theologian in the early Christian church, known for his powerful denunciations of many influences he considered heretical, including the widespread admiration of pagan philosophers and many Gnostic ideas, yet in later life a Montanist, and thus he himself an embracer of beliefs that came to be declared heretical.
Sourced
Truth persuades by teaching, but does not teach by persuading.
When God's Spirit descends, then Patience accompanies Him indivisibly.
Reason, in fact, is a thing of God, inasmuch as there is nothing which God the Maker of all has not provided, disposed, ordained by reason — nothing which He has not willed should be handled and understood by reason.
- fiunt non nascuntur Christiani
- Christians are made, not born.
- Apologeticus, xviii.
- Many variants on this exist, notably “Great lovers are made, not born.” and “(Great) leaders are made, not born.”
- A variant on “One is not born wise, but becomes wise” from Seneca On Anger 2.10.6; see: Christian and Pagan in the Roman Empire: the witness of Tertullian, by Tertullian, Robert Dick Sider, p. 38, footnote 79.
- Vide, inquiunt, ut invicem se diligant; ipsi enim invicem oderunt: et ut pro alterutro mori sint parati; ipsi enim ad occidendum alterutrum paratiores erunt.
- See, they say, how they love one another, for themselves are animated by mutual hatred; how they are ready even to die for one another, for they themselves will sooner put to death.
- Apologeticus, 39, describing how Christianity is mocked by its enemies.
- Plures efficimur, quoties metumur a vobis; semen est sanguis christianorum.
- We multiply whenever we are mown down by you; the blood of Christians is seed.
- Apologeticus, 50
- Omnium gentium unus homo, uarium nomen est, una anima, uaria uox, unus spiritus, uarius sonus, propria cuique genti loquella, sed loquellae materia communis.
- Man is one name belonging to every nation upon earth. In them all is one soul though many tongues. Every country has its own language, yet the subjects of which the untutored soul speaks are the same everywhere.
- De Testimonio Animae (The Testimony of the Soul) (6.3)
- Veritas autem docendo persuadet non suadendo docet.
- Truth persuades by teaching, but does not teach by persuading.
- Adversus Valentinianos (Against the Valentinians) (1.4)
- Nihil veritas erubescit
- Truth does not blush.
- Adversus Valentinianos (3.2)
- Prorsus credibile est, quia ineptum est.
- It is to be believed because it is absurd.
- De Carne Christi (5.4)
- Certum est, quia impossible est.
- It is certain because it is impossible.
- De Carne Christi (5.4)
- Two lines from De Carne Christi have often become conflated into the statement: "Credo quia impossibile" (I believe it because it is impossible), which can be perceived as a distortion of the actual arguments that Tertullian was making.
- De calcaria in carbonarium.
- Out of the frying pan into the fire.
- De Carne Christi (6)
- Omnia periclitabuntur aliter accipi quam sunt, et amittere quod sunt dum aliter accipiuntur, si aliter quam sunt cognominantur. Fides nominum salus est proprietatum.
- All things will be in danger of being taken in a sense different from their own proper sense, and, whilst taken in that different sense, of losing their proper one, if they are called by a name which differs from their natural designation. Fidelity in names secures the safe appreciation of properties.
- De Carne Christi (13.2)
- Qui fugiebat, rursus sibi proeliabitur.
- He who flees will fight again.
- De Fuga in Persecutione, 10.
- Nec alii obest aut prodest alterius religio.
- One man's religion neither harms nor helps another man.
- Ad Scapulam (2.2)
- Nec religionis est cogere religio
- It is certainly no part of religion to compel religion.
- Ad Scapulam (2.2)
- Infirma commendatio est quae de alterius destructione fulcitur.
- Of little worth is the recommendation which has for its prop the defamation of another.
- Adversus Marcionem (IV.15.5)
- Itaque et ego vanitatem vanitate depellam.
- I shall dispel one empty story by another.
- Variant translation: I must dispel vanity with vanity.
- Adversus Marcionem (IV.30.3)
- Cum ergo spiritus Dei descendit, indiuidua patientia comitatur eum.
- When God's Spirit descends, then Patience accompanies Him indivisibly.
- De Patientia (15:7)
- Quippe res dei ratio quia deus omnium conditor nihil non ratione providit disposuit ordinavit, nihil [enim] non ratione tractari intellegique voluit. [3] Igitur ignorantes quique deum rem quoque eius ignorent necesse est quia nullius omnino thesaurus extraneis patet. Itaque universam vitae conversationem sine gubernaculo rationis transfretantes inminentem saeculo procellam evitare non norunt.
- Reason, in fact, is a thing of God, inasmuch as there is nothing which God the Maker of all has not provided, disposed, ordained by reason — nothing which He has not willed should be handled and understood by reason.
- All, therefore, who are ignorant of God, must necessarily be ignorant also of a thing which is His, because no treasure-house at all is accessible to strangers. And thus, voyaging all the universal course of life without the rudder of reason, they know not how to shun the hurricane which is impending over the world.
- De Paenitentia (On Repentance) (1.2-3)
- esterni sumus, & vestra omnia implevimus, Vrbes, Insulas, Castella, Municipia, Conciliabula, Castra ipsa, Tribus, Decurias, palatium, Senatum, Forum, sola vobis relinquimus Templa.
- We are but of yesterday, and yet we have filled all the places that belong to you — cities, islands, forts, towns, exchanges; the military camps themselves, tribes, town councils, the palace, the senate, the market-place; we have left you nothing but your temples.
- Tertullian's Plea For Allegiance (A.2)
- We worship unity in trinity, and trinity in unity; neither confounding the person nor dividing the substance. There is one person of the Father, another of the Son, and another of the Holy Ghost; but the Godhead of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, is all one; the glory equal, the majesty co-eternal.
- Reported in Josiah Hotchkiss Gilbert, Dictionary of Burning Words of Brilliant Writers (1895), p. 285.
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ME YOU & US- MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT- 1759-1797 - BRITISH WRITER -PHILOSOPHER -WOMENS RIGHTS CHAMPION
Updated: 04 May 2011
Mary Wollstonecraft, the daughter of a handkerchief weaver, was born in Spitalfields, London in 1759. The family moved a great deal during Mary's childhood and she lived for periods at Epping, Barking, Beverley, Hoxton, Walworth and Laugharne in Wales.
In 1784 Mary Wollstonecraft opened a school in Newington Green, a small village close to Hackney, with her sister Eliza and a friend, Fanny Blood. Soon after arriving in Newington Green, Mary made friends with Richard Price, a minister at the local Dissenting Chapel. Price and his friend, Joseph Priestly, were the leaders of a group of men known as Rational Dissenters.
Price had written several books including the very influential Review of the Principal Questions of Morals (1758) where he argued that individual conscience and reason should be used when making moral choices. Price also rejected the traditional Christian ideas of original sin and eternal punishment. As a result of these religious views, some Anglicans accused Rational Dissenters of being atheists.
Although Mary was brought up as an Anglican, she soon began attending Richard Price's chapel. Price held radical political views and had encountered a great deal of hostility when he supported the cause of American independence. At Price's home Mary Wollstonecraft met other leading radicals including the publisher, Joseph Johnson. He was impressed by Mary's ideas on education and commissioned her to write a book on the subject. In Thoughts on the Education of Girls, published in 1786, Mary attacked traditional teaching methods and suggested new topics that should be studied by girls. Two years later Wollstonecraft helped Johnson to found the journal Analytical Review.
In November, 1789, Richard Price preached a sermon praising the French Revolution. Price argued that British people, like the French, had the right to remove a bad king from the throne. Edmund Burke, was appalled by this sermon and wrote a reply called Reflections on the Revolution in France where he argued in favour of the inherited rights of the monarchy. Wollstonecraft was upset by Burke's attack on her friend and she decided to defend him by writing a pamphlet A Vindication of the Rights of Man. In her pamphlet Wollstonecraft not only supported Price but also pointed out what she thought was wrong with society. This included the slave trade, the game laws and way that the poor were treated.
The publication of A Vindication of the Rights of Man brought Wollstonecraft to the attention of other radical thinkers such as Tom Paine, John Cartwright, John Horne Tooke, William Godwin and William Blake. Wollstonecraft met several of these men including Godwin who was busily writing a book on Political Justice. In 1791 the first part of Tom Paine's Rights of Man was published. This book created a burst of radical activity and although Paine was forced to flee the country, others were determined to carry on the struggle in England. Soon after Rights of Man appeared, two of Britain's leading Rational Dissenters, Richard Price and Joseph Priestly, formed the Unitarian Society, an organisation that was to have a profound influence on religious and political ideas in Britain.
The following year Mary Wollstonecraft published her most important book, Vindication of the Rights of Women. In the book Wollstonecraft attacked the educational restrictions that kept women in a state of "ignorance and slavish dependence." She was especially critical of a society that encouraged women to be "docile and attentive to their looks to the exclusion of all else." Wollstonecraft described marriage as "legal prostitution" and added that women "may be convenient slaves, but slavery will have its constant effect, degrading the master and the abject dependent."
The ideas in Wollstonecraft's book were truly revolutionary and caused tremendous controversy. One critic described Wollstonecraft as a "hyena in petticoats". Mary Wollstonecraft argued that to obtain social equality society must rid itself of the monarchy as well as the church and military hierarchies. Mary Wollstonecraft's views even shocked fellow radicals. Whereas advocates of parliamentary reform such as Jeremy Bentham and John Cartwright had rejected the idea of female suffrage, Wollstonecraft argued that the rights of man and the rights of women were one and the same thing.
In 1793 Edmund Burke led the attack on the radicals in Britain. He described the London Corresponding Society and the Unitarian Society as "loathsome insects that might, if they were allowed, grow into giant spiders as large as oxen". King George IIIissued a proclamation against seditious writings and meetings, threatening serious punishments for those who refused to accept his authority.
In June, 1793 Mary decided to move to France with the American writer, Gilbert Imlay. The following year, Mary gave birth to Fanny. After her relationship with Imlay came to an end she returned to London. Mary married William Godwin in March, 1797 and soon afterwards, a second daughter, Mary, was born. The baby was healthy but the placenta was retained in the womb. The doctor's attempt to remove the placenta resulted in blood poisoning and Mary died on 10th September, 1797.
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ME YOU & US -WINSTON CHURCHILL
Updated: 22 Apr 2011
Winston Churchill lead Great Britain for most of World War Two and Churchill’s ‘bulldog’ spirit seemed to summarise the mood of the British people even during the bad times, such as Dunkirk, and the inspirational victories, such as the Battle of Britain.
Winston Churchill was born in 1874 into a wealthy and famous family. His father was Lord Randolph Churchill and he was the grandson of the 7th Duke of Marlborough. Winston Churchill was born at Blenheim Palace in Oxfordshire. He was schooled at Harrow where it is said that he only put his name on the exam entrance paper to get in. Churchill went to the Royal Military Academy at Sandhurst and gained a commission in the Fourth Hussars. He saw some military action and took part in the Battle of Omdurman in 1898.
During the Boer War, he was a war correspondent. Winston Churchill was captured, held a prisoner, escaped and took part in the relief of Ladysmith.
After this, Winston Churchill went into politics. He had a chequered career up to World War Two and was seen as something of a maverick. In 1900, he was elected Conservative MP for Oldham but in 1904, he left the Conservative Party and joined the Liberal Party, which, he believed, better represented his economic views on free trade. From 1906 to 1908, he was a Liberal MP for northwest Manchester and from 1908 to 1922, he was MP for Dundee.
Between 1908 and 1910, Winston Churchill held a cabinet post when Herbert Asquith, leader of the Liberal Party, appointed him President of the Board of Trade. Winston Churchill’s major achievement in this post was to establish labour exchanges. In 1910, he was promoted to Home Secretary. As Home Secretary, Winston Churchill used troops to maintain law and order during a miners strike in South Wales. He also used a detachment of Scots Guards to assist police during a house siege in Sidney Street in East London in January 1911. Whilst such actions may have marked him down as a man who would do his utmost to maintain law and order, there were those who criticised his use of the military for issues that the police usually dealt with.
From October 1911 to May 1915, Winston Churchill was made First Lord of the Admiralty. In this post, he did a great deal to ensure that the navy was in a state to fight a war. Winston Churchill put a strong emphasis on modernisation and he was an early supporter of using planes in combat.
However, Churchill was to pay the price for the bloody failure of the Dardanelles campaign in 1915 – it was Winston Churchill who proposed the expedition to the War Council and, as a result, he was held responsible for its failure. He was dismissed from his post at the Admiralty and he was made Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. Having been Home Secretary and First Lord at the Admiralty, this was seen by many, including Winston Churchill, to be a demotion and he left the post after just six months. Churchill rejoined the army.
Here he commanded a battalion of the Royal Scots Fusiliers on the Western Front until May 1916.
However, Winston Churchill quickly returned to government.
In 1917 he was appointed Minister for Munitions – a post he held until 1918.
In 1919, Winston Churchill was appointed Minister for War and Air – a post he held until 1920.
In 1921, he was appointed Colonial Secretary – a post he held until he lost his seat for Dundee in the 1922 election.
After his electoral defeat in 1922, Winston Churchill left the Liberal Party and became the MP for Epping in 1924 standing as a ‘constitutional anti-socialist’. Stanley Baldwin, leader of the Conservative Party, appointed him as Chancellor of the Exchequer (a post he held from 1924 to 1929) and Winston Churchill officially rejoined the Conservative Party in 1925.
Churchill remained outside of government from 1929 to 1939. He had spoken out against the government’s policy towards India and as Hitler became more and more aggressive in Europe, Winston Churchill became more and more concerned about the stance taken by the then leader of the government, Neville Chamberlain. From 1938 to the outbreak of war in September 1939, Churchill urged the government to be more pro-active against Hitler, including for an early call for conscription.
On September 3rd, 1939, Winston Churchill was back in the government when Chamberlain appointed him First Lord of the Admiralty. The seeming failure of the government, including the military failure in Norway in 1940, meant that criticism of Chamberlain became more and more robust. On May 10th, 1940, Winston Churchill became Prime Minister and during the war, he was the most dominant figure in British politics – a role that received huge praise once the war was over.
To many people in Britain, Churchill’s stand against Nazism and all it stood for, summarised why the war was being fought. His speeches have become part of legend – be it ‘fighting on the beaches’ or his salute to the men from Fighter Command who took on the Luftwaffe in the Battle of Britain:
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"Never in the field of human conflict, was so much owed to so few."
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Churchill also remained in London during the Blitz and regularly visited areas bombed out by the Luftwaffe. To the people of London, he was one of them and a man who could have removed himself from the dangers of German bombers, but refused to - staying in bombed out London along with those who suffered.
Churchill also took a role in military issues. It was he who was the political force behind the creation of commando units that would be sent in to disrupt the German military. He was also scathing about military defeats, calling the defeat at Tobruk a "disgrace".
During the war, Winston Churchill also held a number of meetings with other wartime leaders. He met F D Roosevelt, the American president, on nine occasions between 1941 and 1945; he had five meetings with the Russian leader Stalin between 1942 and 1945.
| "If Hitler invaded Hell I would at least make a favourable reference to the Devil in the House of Commons."
"Any man or state who fights on against Nazidom will have our aid."
"The Russian danger is our danger.....just as the cause of any Russian fighting for his hearth and home is the cause of free men and free peoples in every quarter of the globe."
"We have but one aim and one irrevocable purpose. We are resolved to destroy Hitler and every vestige of the Nazi regime. From this nothing will turn us - nothing. We will never parley, we will never negotiate with Hitler or any of his gang."
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For all his popularity as a war leader, Winston Churchill lost the 1945 general election to Labour’s Clement Atlee. His wife told him that it might be a ‘blessing in disguise’. Winston Churchill is said to have replied that it was ‘very well disguised’.
In October 1951, he became Prime Minister once again. However, Churchill had suffered a stroke in August 1949 that had been kept secret from the public and his health was now a concern. Aged 77 in 1951, Winston Churchill was not in a fit enough state to involve himself in day-to-day politics as required from a Prime Minister.
In April 1953, he was made a Knight of the Garter and he resigned from politics in 1955.
However, few people could match his international status. Having won a Nobel Prize for Literature in 1953, he became an honorary American citizen in 1963 – an honour confirmed by Congress.
Winston Churchill died in 1965 and was buried less than one mile from where he was born at Blenheim Palace. For many people, his stubborn refusal to admit defeat or a lost cause during World War Two has given him a reputation few other politicians have ever achieved.
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ME YOU & US- ALAN TURING
Updated: 18 Apr 2011
Alan Turing was the one who invented computer programming back in the early 40's.
He committed suicide by taking a bight out of an apple laced with cyanide.
Apple computers have Alan Turing's apple with a bight out as their logo, in recognition of his brilliance.
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ME YOU & US - AUNG SAN SUU KYI
Updated: 16 Apr 2011
Saturday interview: Aung San Suu Kyi
Burma's tireless political campaigner talks about rebuilding the National League for Democracy, the revolutionary power of social media and her love of The Grateful Dead
'More people are realising that if they want change, they’ve got to go about it themselves' … Aung San Suu Kyi
The high fence is back, separating her house from the lake it stands beside – but this time it has been erected by her own people to protect her, not to lock her in.
How free is Aung San Suu Kyi, five months after her 15 years of house arrest ended?
Not very; or free as a bird, depending on how you ask the question.
Fragile yet strong as iron, the yellow and white roses in her hair belie her steely resolution.
She had not been well when we visited her this week.
Though she steps into the room with bright smiles, warmth and grace, her ramrod-straight deportment disguises painful spondylosis of the spine.
Andrew Comben, director of the Brighton festival, and I as its chair, have come to film an interview, as she is guest director of this year's event in May.
Since she dare not travel abroad, knowing the generals who have run Burma since 1962 would never let her return, we shall show this film of her instead.
Her visitors will be followed, so it takes some subterfuge, ducking and diving in and out of taxis, a ferry over the river and sidling out through hotel back doors to avoid confiscation of our film.
Approached some months ago while still under house arrest, we wondered if she might think the idea of guest directing an arts festival absurdly frivolous or irrelevant to her country's struggle for democracy.
But not at all. She accepted with delight: despite 15 of the last 21 years spent in solitary isolation, she has an ebullient enjoyment of many things. Arts matter, she says.
"If you can make people understand why freedom is so important through the arts, that would be a big help." Exploring her artistic tastes, pleasures and memories has been revealing and moving.
And surprising – of which more later.
As a surge for freedom storms across the Middle East, will it ripple on through dictatorships everywhere, including Burma? "Human beings want to be free and however long they may agree to stay locked up, to stay oppressed, there will come a time when they say 'That's it.'
Suddenly they find themselves doing something that they never would have thought they would be doing, simply because of the human instinct that makes them turn their face towards freedom."
Is that time now? "More people, especially young people, are realising that if they want change, they've got to go about it themselves – they can't depend on a particular person, ie me, to do all the work.
They are less easy to fool than they used to be, they now know what's going on all over the world."
The Middle East is never mentioned in Burma's state newspapers, organs that make Soviet-era Pravda look like Wikileaks.
The New Light of Myanmar carries front and back page warnings – "Anarchy begets anarchy. Riots beget riots, not democracy. Wipe out those inciting unrest and violence" – and attacks on the BBC and Voice of America: "Do not allow ourselves to be swayed by killer broadcasts designed to cause troubles."
She laughs at it, calling the paper "The New Blight of Myanmar". Is the regime rattled?
"People know what's going on because of the communications revolution.
So people are becoming more aware of their own potential, and this has to be encouraged."
What might the trigger be? A 1988 uprising was sparked by the government abolishing existing bank notes overnight, so everyone lost their savings.
The 2007 protests, joined by the monks, began with soaring rice prices. "Once the army starts shooting, most uprisings are put down pretty quickly.
But how long the people will remain quiet after something like that is another matter.
" People look to her, and now she is free the National League for Democracy has a new impetus, though organising is extraordinarily difficult with all its leaders among the country's 2,200 political prisoners: 65-year sentences were handed out to students.
"Fear, fear, fear" is everywhere, she says.
Except inside her. In 2003 they tried to assassinate Aung San Suu Kyi when her convoy was set upon by government-organised thugs and 70 of her people murdered: beaten up and thrown into jail, she was put under house arrest until this year.
Her people want her heavily guarded, but she refuses.
She shrugs, and says if the regime wants her dead, there's little to be done. How free is she now? If she steps outside she is mobbed by thousands of admirers wherever she goes.
She went shopping once with her son, but had to be rescued from the crush of well-wishers.
"Luckily, I don't like shopping!" – and indeed shopping in Burma holds few enticements.
Once the second richest nation in south-east Asia, despite rich resources it is now the poorest, as well as least free nation after North Korea. Is she free to travel the country? Unlikely, she thinks. She hasn't yet ventured out of Rangoon: "So far I haven't tried to go anywhere they wouldn't wish me to, but I must start testing the waters again."
Her work detains her between the party's office and her home, her erstwhile prison.
Her long years in detention were so exceptional because they were partly voluntary.
Most prisoners have no choice, but every day she could have walked free, headed for the airport and flown away, her captors glad to be rid of her for ever.
Every day for 15 years she had to make that hard decision to stay, alone and isolated without her two sons, even as her beloved husband was dying of cancer in Britain, cruelly forbidden from visiting her.
But if you suggest exceptional fortitude, she always refers to the other Burmese political prisoners kept in far harsher conditions, half-starved, their health broken. "I don't think I was the only one who volunteered. A lot of our people could have chosen not to go to prison if they had given up working for the movement for democracy.
" The generals' respect for her war-hero father, who died fighting for Burma's independence when she was just two, kept her incarcerated in her own home. This Nobel Peace Prize laureate was protected, too, by world opinion.
"This word 'free'," she says of herself and the other prisoners, "we all think that we are freer than the people outside because we don't have to compromise with our conscience.
We are doing what we believe in. We are not locked in by the bars of guilt.
So I think this is what made us choose imprisonment rather than to stay – in quotes – 'free'. For us, that is how our lives are."
In the last five months she has revived the National League for Democracy, starting new humanitarian services, digging wells, opening clinics and schools with scarce money.
Scrupulously, they take not a penny from foreign campaigners, only from Burmese donors. She laughs as she says that if they begin to dig a well, the government rushes in to dig a better one, "So that does a lot of good!"
But it's hard to convene meetings with regional organisers without funds, hard to find out what's happening anywhere. She has just learned of mutinies in army bases from the BBC World Service, a lifeline when information is so hard to come by.
She is relieved the BBC's Burma service has been saved from British government cuts, "puzzled" at the decision to cut the Chinese service. After 70 years, the BBC's last Mandarin programmes for China have just been broadcast.
Pressure from the outside world makes more impact than people realise, she says.
That's why the generals felt obliged to shape a new constitution, though it leaves the same military cadre running the country in civilian clothes. Sham elections held just before her release were declared "deeply flawed" by the UN. Her party did not stand, since conditions included repudiating all its political prisoners and swearing support for a constitution that lets the army take over at any time.
But it has been enough to allow neo-liberal Western economists to call for compromise and the lifting of sanctions, accusing her of stubbornness. "They say if we build up trade, it will bring democracy.
They say what you need is a middle class, that will bring democracy." As in China? She mocks the idea. "But the IMF say the mess in the economy is due to mismanagement and not sanctions."
She heats up with controlled anger at pusillanimous NGOs: "They invite civil servants to 'capacity building' training. But the problem with civil servants' capacity is they won't do anything unless bribed."
Burma is ranked 176th out of 180 countries for corruption.
"I talk to business people and they say (what prevents enterprise) is that everything falls into the cronies' hands."
Her message is that democracy and transparency are the only answer – but the NGOs steer clear of politics, which makes her burn with indignation. She quotes Graham Greene, "He wrote, 'Sometimes, if you are human, you have to take sides.' They say we are not ready to compromise.
I don't know what they mean. Our minds are not inflexible, but perhaps our knees are inflexible.
We are not down on our knees!" Her message is that politics is everything, nothing is apolitical.
With crystal clear precision, she enunciates in capital letters, "I AM A POLITICIAN. That's a dirty word, but I write it on forms as my profession. I AM A POLITICIAN!" We talk about the universal contempt for politics, as voting declines in the West. "Just ask them if they would like to emigrate to a totalitarian state," she says.
But does she worry that when freedom comes, people quickly forget as the everyday business of governing falls short of expectations? "I've always tried to explain democracy is not perfect. But it gives you a chance to shape your own destiny."
Despite everything, politics is not her whole life, as she talks of what the arts have meant to her.
You might expect her to choose Beethoven: "For many people he does represent not just the greatness of music, but the greatness of thought behind it.
I've often wished in these last few years under detention that I were a composer, because then I would be able to express what I felt through music, which is somehow so much more universal than words."
So the festival starts with Fidelio, the prisoner's opera. In detention she played the piano daily. She talks of her devotion to TS Eliot when she was at Oxford reading politics and economics, so the festival is producing the Four Quartets, accompanied by a Beethoven string quartet.
She mocks the awful poetry she was taught at school in colonial Burma, reciting "At Flores in the Azores, where Sir Richard Grenville lay" with a laugh. But here's a surprise.
You might not expect her recently acquired taste for the Grateful Dead's Standing on the Moon. "Have you ever listened to it? I like it very much. My son taught me to like it. And Bob Marley.
Well, I do like 'Get up, Stand up for your rights'. We need more music like that." So the festival has brought her Lee Scratch Perry, one of Bob Marley's mentors.
Before we go, she stops to fold an origami lotus flower to send to the festival, to join the thousands to be floated on the lake in Queen's Park to mark Burma's many political prisoners.
Deftly her fingers fold it back and forth, and she smiles as she recalls doing origami with her young sons.
There she is, the iconic beacon of freedom, worldwide symbol of fortitude and endurance, laughing and folding.
As ever, with good humour and grace, she wears her heroism lightly.
Aung San Suu Kyi is Guest Director of Brighton Festival 2011. Brighton Festival takes place on 7-29 May. See brightonfestival.org (01273 709709)
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ME YOU & US- SPIKE MILLIGAN
Updated: 11 Apr 2011
Celebrities with links to the age of Empire
Another famous writer with colonial connections was Spike Milligan, who was born in India to a father serving in the British Indian army. He spent most of his childhood in India and Burma, and served in the army himself during World War II. He once attributed his love for comedy to his colonial background: "I wasn't consciously aware of it, but I had had enough of the British empire. The Goons gave me a chance to knock people my father and I had to call 'Sir'. Colonels. Chaps like Grytpype-Thynne with educated voices who were really bloody scoundrels."
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ME YOU & US - "LARRY" OLIVIER
Updated: 11 Apr 2011
Celebrities with links to the age of Empire
Laurence Olivier was the nephew of Sydney Olivier, a British civil servant and member of the Labour party who served as colonial secretary of British Honduras, governor of Jamaica and secretary of state for India, among other posts. As governor of Jamaica, he was responsible for the construction of many of the public buildings in downtown Kingston, after a 1907 earthquake devastated the city
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ME YOU & US - PETER COOK
Updated: 11 Apr 2011
Celebrities with links to the age of Empire
Peter Cook was the son of Alexander Edward Cook, a civil servant who was working in colonial Nigeria when Cook was born in 1937. As a young man, Cook had planned to follow in his father's footsteps and become a diplomat, but joked that by the time he was old enough, "Britain had run out of colonies." In later life, he once reflected, "I'd still say yes if the governorship of Bermuda came up."
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ME, YOU & US-DAME CLEO LAINE
Updated: 23 Mar 2011
Dame Cleo Laine: 'I do my weeping silently, by myself’
Dame Cleo Laine may be an unsentimental toughie, but the legendary jazz singer still grieves for her husband, says Judith Woods.
On the windowsill of Dame Cleo Laine’s Buckinghamshire sitting room, between the photograph of “Dankie getting gonged by the Queen” and the framed Valentine’s Day doggerel which rhymes “waffle” with “I loves yer, dear, with all my heart - and all me other offal”, stands a Hallmark card bearing the word “Granny” picked out in pastel flowers.
Dame Cleo, an indomitable 83, follows my gaze and raises an eyebrow, then, gingerly picking the card up as though with a pair of metaphorical tongs, explains it is a wry joke.
Why? Because she has no grandchildren?
“No,” she responds crisply. “Because they don’t have a granny. I don’t knit for them or cook for them or remember their birthdays or anything like that - I’m a great-grandmother too - but I suppose I do get them out of the s*** if they ever need money.”
She chuckles deeply, then sighs. “Oh dear, that wasn’t very diplomatic of me, was it? John was the diplomatic one, he always kept me in check.”
But despite the tragedy the show went on, indeed it was only moments before the finale that Dame Cleo broke the news of his passing to the audience. To say it came as a shock would be something of an understatement; subsequently she was commended in the media for her bravery. But it is an accolade that, somewhat oddly, still rankles.
“We had a full house expecting a very special concert and it would have been terribly deflating to have come out and said “Sorry, John’s dead but we’re going to carry on anyway,” she says.
“It wasn’t at all courageous, I was simply thinking of the poor audience; I’d come to terms with my “poor self” a long time previously.”
Dame Cleo manages to imbue the phrase “poor self” with such fiery derision that it’s hard not to wince until she (eventually, and it’s a pretty long wait) smiles and defuses the tension.
Jazz singer extraordinaire with a vocal range of four octaves, famed for her “scat” singing, although she prefers the term “vocalese” and a CV of best-selling recordings that would take too long to list, her virtuousity is such that she is the only female performer to have ever received Grammy nominations in the jazz, pop and classical categories.
Age has taken its inevitable toll, and the apple cheeks may no longer be so pert, but she remains a handsome woman, with a head of unruly curls and an impish smile that breaks out on her solemn features, often despite herself.
“The children quite often tell me I’m a toughie” she beams. “But life has a habit of knocking you sideways so you have to be prepared to stand firm. Yes, from time to time I am a complete wreck, but I do my weeping silently, by myself - I always think of Joyce Grenfell referring to people “speaking in a Sunday voice” to the bereaved, and I can’t stand that.”
She pulls an exaggeratedly pious face to illustrate the vehemance of her point. Certainly, it takes a toughie - and a not altogether diplomatic toughie at that - to volunteer details of her husband’s marital infidelity at a juncture when the posterity would be quite content to leave his memory unblemished.
Not only that, but when she does mention it, it is with the sort of dismissive matter-of-factness that would earn her a standing ovation from her fellow octogenarian Debo, Duchess of Devonshire who famously laments Britain’s fatal slide into sloppy sentimentality.
“I knew John probably had a fling from time to time when I was away on tour,” says Dame Cleo. “I’ve been on the road for most of my life and I know what it’s like when couples are separated and how even a man deeply in love can stray. I also know what men are like; but what was I going to do about it? I chose to be away.”
It’s a far cry from modern sensibilities, where the doctrine of equality means men are never excused philandering on the grounds of their biology. But Dame Cleo, brought up in Southall by her Jamaican father and English mother, witnessed at close hand his serial dalliances, which eventually led her parents to split up when her mother lost patience. Despite their mutual sadness and his deep remorse, they never got back together again.
“Occasionally I had opportunities for an affair but I never strayed because I didn’t want to embarrass John in such a way; it wouldn’t be fair to him,” she says, blythely unconcerned about any accusations of double standards.
“I truly loved him and we both realised that it would be a terrible thing to break up our partnership because one of us might have had a fling. Who would benefit from that? But when I found out about a fling that happened when I was appearing on Broadway in Into the Woods, I was very upset and angry and he was very contrite. I didn’t have many real worries married to him.”
As it transpired Dame Cleo’s what-the-eye-doesn’t-see pragmatism contributed to a marriage that was happy and fruitful. The couple, who met in 1951, when she auditioned for his band, had two children, jazz bassist Alec, 50 and jazz singer Jaqui, 48, both internationally successful in their own right.
Dame Cleo’s elder son, Stuart, from her first marriage lives in California, and is suffering from MS. She has just returned from a visit and intends to go back again shortly. But in the meantime life goes on as normal. She intends to keep singing until her plummy, rich voice begins to wobble - of which, astonishingly, there is as yet no hint.
“I was relying on John to tell me when I had to stop, but I’m sure my daughter will, when the time comes,” she says. “I am not going to be one of those people who carries on regardless and as I’m not a soppy emotional person, I won’t crumple when I'm told my performing days are over.”
Forthcoming shows include a gig at Ronnie Scott’s, although with a twinkle she confesses that she prefers large venues to the intimate clubs because she prefers people not to see her wrinkles. There is also television appearance on the in-depth Sky Arts interview series In Confidence, presented by Professor Laurie Taylor.
Along with a clutch of other high profile names - Stephen Fry, Mike Leigh, Tracey Emin - Dame Cleo has agreed to lay her soul bare in what invariably will be a revealing encounter. So why would she effectively put herself in the if not psychiatrist’s, then eminent sociologist’s chair?
“I just wanted to put the record straight about the anniversary concert because I’m no braver than anybody else, and if the boot had been on the other foot, John would have done the same,” she cries, perplexed that anyone should find her actions anything other than completely logical.
It’s easy to imagine that any partner left behind after a union - matrimonial, professional - lasting 52 years might struggle to regain their own identity. Dame Cleo insists this is not so; she and her husband’s careers converged every so often rather than being inextricably bound together.
“We each had clear roles; he was technically briliant as a musician, all I had was natural musicality. He also wore the trousers in the relationship, and would rein me in and advise me how to get the best out of people.”
An instinctive mediator and a humorous man (it was he who penned the rather unconventional sweetbread-related Valentine's Day verse), Sir John was a lively presence at Wavendon and both house and grounds are quieter without him.
Quieter, but not completely silent. Far from it. The Stables continue to buzz with musicians and singers from across the globe. The hedgerows are alive with spring birdsong. And then there’s Dame Cleo herself.
“I’m not unemotional, it’s just that I can keep it in and when I need release I can sing what I’m feeling,” she says. “ I put John’s ashes in the garden, down by the pond. It’s a very pretty spot and I visit him every day, to sit on the bench, chat to him, and sing my heart out.”
In Confidence is on Sky Arts 1 on Thursday nights at 10pm. Dame Cleo Laine’s apparance can be viewed on 12 May. See sky.com/arts.
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ME YOU & US- HENRY MAYHEW - RESEARCHER, JOURNALIST & SOCIAL REFORMER
Updated: 28 Feb 2011
Henry Mayhew
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Henry Mayhew, from London Labour and the London Poor (1861)
Henry Mayhew (25 November 1812 - 25 July 1887) was an English social researcher, journalist, playwright and advocate of reform.
He was one of the two founders (1841) of the satirical and humorous magazine Punch, and the magazine's joint-editor, with Mark Lemon, in its early days.
He is better known, however, for his work as a social researcher, publishing an extensive series of newspaper articles in the Morning Chronicle, later compiled into the book series London Labour and the London Poor (1851), a groundbreaking and influential survey of the poor of London.
Biography
Early life
He was born in London, one of seventeen children of Joshua Mayhew.
He was educated at Westminster School before running away from his studies to sea.[1] He then served with the East India Company as a midshipman on a ship bound for Calcutta.
He returned after several years, in 1829, becoming a trainee lawyer in Wales.[2] He left this and became a freelance journalist.
He contributed to The Thief, a readers' digest, followed quickly by writing a play - Figaro in London in 1829. Along with continuing to develop his writing, Mayhew briefly managed the Queen's Theatre.[3]
Mayhew reputedly fled his creditors and holed up at The Erwood Inn, a small public house in the village of Erwood, south of Builth Wells.
On 17th January 2011, The Erwood Inn submitted a planning application for change of use from public house to additional residential accommodation.[4]
Paris and writing
In 1835 Mayhew found himself in a state of debt and along with a fellow writer, they escaped to Paris to avoid their creditors.[2]
He spent his time writing and in the company of other writers including William Thackeray and Douglas Jerrold. Mayhew spent over ten years in Paris returning to England in the 1850s whereby he was involved in several literary adventures, mostly the writing of plays.
Two of his plays - But, However and the Wandering Minstrel were successful, whilst his early work Figaro in London was less successful.[5]
Punch magazine
Punch magazine was co founded by Mayhew in 1841.
On 17 July 1841 Mayhew cofounded Punch magazine.
At its founding the magazine was jointly edited by Mayhew and Mark Lemon. Initially it was subtitled The London Charivari, this being a reference to a satirical humour magazine published in France under the title Le Charivari (a work read often whilst Mayhew was in Paris).
Reflecting their satiric and humorous intent, the two editors took for their name and masthead the anarchic glove puppet, Mr. Punch. Punch was an unexpected success, yet, a year later, Mayhew resigned as joint editor in 1842.[5] He however continued as 'suggestor in chief' until he severed his connection in 1845.
His brother, Horace stayed on the board of Punch until his death. The Punch years gave Mayhew the opportunity to meet talented illustrators who he later employed to work from daguerreotypes on London Labour and the London Poor.[5]
Formative work
In 1842 Mayhew contributed to the pioneering Illustrated London News. By this time Mayhew had become reasonably secure financially, had settled his debts and married Jane Jerrold, the daughter of his friend Douglas Jerrold.[6] She lived until 1880.
London Labour and the London Poor
Main article: London Labour and the London Poor
The articles comprising London Labour and the London Poor were initially collected into three volumes in 1851; the 1861 edition included a fourth volume, co-written with Bracebridge Hemyng, John Binny and Andrew Halliday, on the lives of prostitutes, thieves and beggars.
This Extra Volume took a more general and statistical approach to its subject than Volumes 1 to 3.
He wrote in volume one: "I shall consider the whole of the metropolitan poor under three separate phases, according as they will work, they can't work, and they won't work".[7]
He interviewed everyone—beggars, street-entertainers (such as Punch and Judy men), market traders, prostitutes, labourers, sweatshop workers, even down to the "mudlarks" who searched the stinking mud on the banks of the River Thames for wood, metal, rope and coal from passing ships, and the "pure-finders" who gathered dog faeces to sell to tanners.
He described their clothes, how and where they lived, their entertainments and customs, and made detailed estimates of the numbers and incomes of those practicing each trade.
The books make fascinating reading, showing how marginal and precarious many people's lives were, in what, at that time, must have been the richest city in the world.
Mayhew's perception as an observer is unsurpassed in early descriptions of London's street scenes.
His richly detailed descriptions are able to give an impression of what the street markets of his day were like.
Here is a typical description by Mayhew:
'The pavement and the road are crowded with purchasers and street-sellers.
The housewife in her thick shawl, with the market-basket on her arm, walks slowly on, stopping now to look at the stall of caps, and now to cheapen a bunch of greens.
Little boys, holding three or four onions in their hand, creep between the people, wriggling their way through every interstice, and asking for custom in whining tones, as if seeking charity.
Then the tumult of the thousand different cries of the eager dealers, all shouting at the top of their voices, at one and the same time, is almost bewildering.
“So-old again,” roars one. “Chestnuts all‘ot, a penny a score,” bawls another. “An ‘aypenny a skin, blacking,” squeaks a boy. “Buy, buy, buy, buy, buy-- bu-u-uy!” cries the butcher.
“Half-quire of paper for a penny,” bellows the street stationer. “An ‘aypenny a lot ing-uns.” “Twopence a pound grapes.” “Three a penny Yarmouth bloaters.”
“Who‘ll buy a bonnet for fourpence?” “Pick ‘em out cheap here! three pair for a halfpenny, bootlaces.”
“Now‘s your time! beautiful whelks, a penny a lot.”
“Here‘s ha‘p‘orths,” shouts the perambulating confectioner. “Come and look at ‘em! here‘s toasters!” bellows one with a Yarmouth bloater stuck on a toasting-fork.
“Penny a lot, fine russets,” calls the apple woman: and so the Babel goes on.' Mayhew.[8]
Influence
Mayhew's work was embraced by and was an influence on the Christian Socialists, such as Thomas Hughes, Charles Kingsley, and F. D. Maurice.
Radicals also published sizeable excerpts from the reports in the Northern Star, the Red Republican and other newspapers.
The often sympathetic investigations, with their immediacy and unswerving eye for detail, offered unprecedented insights into the condition of the Victorian poor.
Alongside the earlier work of Edwin Chadwick, they are also regarded as a decisive influence on the thinking of Charles Dickens.
Mayhew also often appears as a character in television and radio histories of Victorian London, played by Timothy West in the documentary London (2004) and by David Haig in the Afternoon Play A Chaos of Wealth and Want (2010).
Henry Mayhew was the great-grandfather of Audrey Mayhew Allen (b. 1870), author of a number of children's stories published in various periodicals, and of a book Gladys in Grammarland, an imitation of Lewis Carroll's Wonderland books.
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ME YOU & US- REMEMBERING LIVERPOOL'S MARY BAMBER
Updated: 26 Feb 2011
Platform for polemicists
Friday 25 February 2011
Lizzie Cocker
It's very rare that the establishment stumps up funding to bring radical history to the general public. It's even rarer for it to commission someone who is working-class and radical with the task.
But this is what ceramicist Carrie Reichardt, with the aid of sculptor Nick Reynolds, has just achieved.
Her work, commissioned by the Liverpool Discoveries project, is now on show at Speaker's Corner in the centre of Liverpool. It's one of 10 public artworks on the theme of social justice and radicals currently on show throughout the city.
Reichardt's artistic aim is to bring the story of people's struggles to the public gaze with her striking, in-your-face ceramic constructs, so she jumped at the chance to work on a piece about Mary Bamber, founding member of Liverpool's Communist Party, socialist, suffragist and trade unionist.
Described by the legendary suffragette leader Sylvia Pankhurst as the "finest fighting platform speaker in the country" Mary Bamber was a regular at Speaker's Corner on Lime Street and her unknown story - until now - is told in Reichardt and Reynold's interactive sculpture which is on show there for the next four weeks.
The artwork is a museum in itself of the Liverpool suffragettes. The soap box on which Bamber stands is covered with tiles onto which Reichardt has painstakingly transferred each of the personal details of suffragettes involved in the campaign for the vote.
Reichardt explains that they are invariably those of the suffragettes from wealthy backgrounds that she culled from researching newspaper archives. "But the only people who were written about in the newspapers at the time were the middle classes and the upper classes, the vicars' daughters' or the bankers wives," she explains.
"So I made a plaque that goes on the back of the panel that says 'persons unknown.' It's dedicated to the people that you don't know about and underneath it says quite specifically that 'change doesn't come about through the heroic acts of just one or two, it comes from a mass movement of the people.'"
She says the plaque pays tribute to the "hundreds if not thousands of working-class Liverpudlians" who devoted themselves to the suffrage campaign and were physically and sexually assaulted as a result.
These women were classed as "terrorists" and were the first in Britain, and possibly the world, to be subjected to photo surveillance. The level of state brutality meted out to the working-class suffragettes inevitably brings to mind the torture reserved today for the prisoners of the "war on terror."
Force-feeding for hunger strikers was the most common form of punishment, where four or five prison guards would restrain the suffragettes and shove pieces of broken crockery between their lips and into their gums to force their mouths open. A contraption to pour raw egg was inserted and the procedure frequently resulted in pleurisy.
But this treatment was reserved exclusively for the poor, who were almost always the only women to be victims of arrest. It was often the middle-class women smashing windows, demanding to be arrested and refusing to stump up bail money because it was in their privilege to do so.
One of the tiles is an official record of all the acts of vandalism carried out by the suffragettes in one year, ranging from smashing windows to setting MPs' houses on fire. But the suffragettes always ensured that no one was ever harmed.
In the few photos of these Liverpool women Reichardt uncovered are some of Sylvia's People's Army - girls who look as young as 15 - with guns.
There's a stark contrast made in the artwork's narrative between these militant women, who made it impossible for the government to concede the vote to women, and the Establishment line that suffrage was eventually only granted as a reward to women for their participation in the war effort.
The women's militancy was in part due to the fact that in the 40 preceding years women had peacefully been writing letters to their MPs with no result. The younger generation of women from 1907 onwards decided that pacifism yielded zero results.
"They decided to go into a meeting and shouted out 'votes for women' and were instantly arrested," Reichardt says. "But what they also got was instant front-page news - it was the the first time ever that the suffrage campaign had ever been covered in the papers. The suffragettes were the first people to realise how to manipulate the press and they did everything to grab the headlines."
This history is an example of how power concedes nothing without pressure from below, Reichardt insists, and she has made every effort to make the parallels with the growing militancy of today's youth and political environment starkly explicit in the work.
Reichardt hopes that once the exhibition is over, her artwork will be permanently installed in the Museum of Liverpool because she's honoured to have been given the chance to uncover some of the city's hidden history.
"Liverpudlians have got a reputation for standing up for their rights. I'm hoping this will do them proud."
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ME YOU & US- THE ALTERNATIVE TO VOTING OR "AV" ?
Updated: 21 Feb 2011
WITH THE UP AND COMING ALTERNATIVE VOTE (AV) SYSTEM
COMING UP FOR A REFERENDUM
I JUST WANT TO MAKE IT QUITE CLEAR
THAT ALTHOUGH I DID VOTE WHEN I COULD
THAT I DID NOT VOTE FOR :-
THATCHER,MAJOR, BLIAR ,CAMERON OR CLEGG
WITH ALTERNATIVE VOTING
I WOULD NEVER VOTE FOR SOMEONE I COULD NOT SUPPORT
HOWEVER MANY CHOICES I HAD
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ME YOU & US- NELSON MANDELA RECOVERED AND READY FOR NEXT MANNY PACQUIAO FIGHT
Updated: 14 Feb 2011
LOS ANGELES - Former South African President Nelson Mandela has fully recovered from a recent health scare and will closely monitor Manny Pacquiao's next world title defense, his daughter said on Thursday.
Mandela, a keen boxer in his youth, is a good friend of boxing great Muhammad Ali and has always kept an eagle eye on contemporary fighters, according to his daughter Zindzi Mandela.
"My father is still very much aware of who the fighters are," Zindzi told Reuters after Filipino Pacquiao and American Shane Mosley held a news conference at a hotel in Beverly Hills to discuss their May 7 WBO welterweight bout.
"I was just telling both Shane Mosley and Manny Pacquiao ... my father sits up to watch a fight (on television) and he still loves the sport with a passion."
Mandela, 92, started boxing while studying at Fort Hare University in Eastern Cape and he famously shadow boxed behind bars while spending 27 years in prison for his role in the struggle against white-minority rule.
"I grew up knowing that my father was a boxer," said Zindzi, who is in Los Angeles to promote Mandela Day which coincides with her father's birthday on July 18.
"We always had those pictures at home of him shadow boxing and I knew the gym where he used to go and practice and spar and so on.
"When he came out of prison, he was already a grown man and he couldn't go back to the sport but we used to go boxing bouts together."
South African success
Zindzi said her father especially savored the success of South African fighters Baby Jake Matlala and Dingaan Thobela, who was nicknamed 'Rose of Soweto', in the 1980s and 1990s.
Of the contemporary boxers, she said Mandela was particularly impressed by eight-times world champion Pacquiao, who won a seat in his national congress last year and is revered for his humanitarian work in the Philippines.
"My father has a respect for anybody like Manny who stands up and takes a stand and is willing to serve his people, because that is what he (Mandela) represents," Zindzi said.
"Of course, my father was a great admirer of Muhammad Ali and they are still great friends to this day."
Mandela, who has not been seen in public since the soccer World Cup final in July last year, created a media frenzy in South Africa when he was hospitalized for a respiratory infection a fortnight ago.
However South African President Jacob Zuma said earlier on Thursday that Mandela was comfortable and receiving good care at home.
"My father is fully recovered," Zindzi said. "He is just resting at home, surrounded by his grandchildren and all his family. He has his sense of humour and he is eating.
"I can't wait to actually call him when he is awake to tell him that I was here at the boxing news conference," she added with a squeal of delight. abs-cbn news
Last Updated (Sunday, 13 February 2011 03:09)
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ME YOU & US - NELSON IS "RESPONDING WELL"
Updated: 03 Feb 2011
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Hundreds of worshippers in Soweto gather to pray for Nelson Mandela
South Africa's former President Nelson Mandela is "responding well" to treatment, according to his doctor.
Mr Mandela who spent two nights at a hospital for a respiratory infection last week, is being treated by military doctors at his Johannesburg home.
Hundreds of South Africans held prayers services on Sunday for the speedy recovery of the liberation icon.
Mr Mandela was a political prisoner for 27 years but emerged to become the country's first black president.
A statement from Deputy President Kgalema Motlanthe said Mr Mandela had a "restful and peaceful night".
He also said that doctors were concerned about the number of people visiting Mr Mandela at his home in Houghton, a suburb in Johannesburg.
"We want to appeal to all that we accord the former president and his family the space to support him in privacy and dignity which he deserves," the statement said.
"Doctors must also be allowed to do their work without any undue pressure and in an atmosphere that allows them to carry on with their duties without any disturbance."
Andrew Mlangeni, one of Mr Mandela's fellow prisoners on Robben Island, visited him at the weekend
"He looks bright," said Mr Mlangeni, reports Sapa news agency.
"The doctors say he is responding well to treatment and what pleased me most, is he is able to recognise us."
'Positive attitude'
Nelson Mandela makes few public appearances these days
Media crews remain outside his home, where a team of military doctors is monitoring his health.
Mr Mandela contracted tuberculosis in 1988 while in jail on Robben Island and also had a respiratory infection eight years ago.
Officials say despite Mr Mandela's condition in hospital, he joked with staff and visitors.
"His amazing positive attitude allows him to cope with the difficulties of old age with the greatest of grace," said military surgeon general Dr Vejay Ramlakan.
Mr Mandela retired from public life in 2004 and has made very few public appearances in recent years.
On Friday only a brief view of his head covered by a surgical cap was visible as he was wheeled into an ambulance.
The former president is also an iconic figure beyond South Africa and officials said that his office had received more than 10,000 messages of support, including from US President Barack Obama.
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ME YOU & US- BILLY BRAGG - MUSICIAN, AUTHOR & LEFT WING ACTIVIST
Updated: 30 Jan 2011
Billy Bragg
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
www.billybragg.co.uk/
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Billy Bragg
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Bragg at a protest calling for electoral reform in 2010.
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Background information
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Birth name
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Stephen William Bragg
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Born
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20 December 1957 (1957-12-20) (age 53) Barking, London, England, UK
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Genres
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Folk punk[1] Folk rock Alternative rock
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Instruments
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Vocals, guitar
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Years active
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1977–present
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Associated acts
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The Blokes Riff-Raff Wilco
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Stephen William Bragg (born 20 December 1957), known as Billy Bragg, is an English alternative rock musician and left wing[2] activist[3] who blends elements of folk music, punk rock and protest songs, and his lyrics mostly deal with political or romantic themes. His music career has lasted more than 30 years, and he has collaborated with Natalie Merchant, Johnny Marr, Hank Wangford, Florence and the Machine, Kate Nash, Leon Rosselson, members of R.E.M., Michelle Shocked, Less Than Jake, Kitty Daisy & Lewis, Kirsty MacColl, and Wilco.
Early life
Bragg was born in 1957 in Barking, London,[4] the son of Dennis Frederick Austin Bragg, an assistant sales manager to a Barking cap and hat maker, and his wife, Marie Victoria D'Urso.[5] Bragg was educated at Barking Abbey Secondary School in Barking in London.[6]
Career
Bragg performing at South by Southwest in 2008.
In 1977, Bragg formed the punk rock/pub rock band Riff Raff, and toured London's pubs and clubs. The band released a series of singles, which did not receive wide exposure. He also worked in Guy Norris Records in Barking. Bragg became disillusioned with his music career, and in May 1981 joined the British Army as a recruit destined for the Queen's Royal Irish Hussars of the Royal Armoured Corps. After three months, he bought his way out of the army for £175 and returned home, having attended basic training but having never served in a regiment as a soldier.[7]
Bragg began performing frequent concerts and busking around London, playing solo with an electric guitar. His roadie at the time was Andy Kershaw, who became a BBC DJ (Bragg and Kershaw later, in 1989, appeared in an episode of the BBC TV programme, "Great Journeys", in which they travelled the Silver Road from Potosí, Bolivia, to the Pacific coast at Arica, Chile) .[8]
Bragg's demo tape initially got no response from the record industry, but by pretending to be a television repair man, he got into the office of Charisma Records' A&R man Peter Jenner.[9] Jenner liked the tape, but the company was near bankruptcy and had no budget to sign new artists. Bragg got an offer to record more demos for a music publisher, so Jenner agreed to release them as a record. Life's a Riot with Spy Vs. Spy was released in July, 1983 by Charisma's new imprint, Utility. Hearing DJ John Peel mention on-air that he was hungry, Bragg rushed to the BBC with a mushroom biryani, so Peel played a song from Life's a Riot with Spy Vs. Spy although at the wrong speed (since the 12" LP was, unconventionally, cut to play at 45rpm).[9] Peel insisted he would have played the song even without the biryani, and later played it at the correct speed.
Within months, Charisma had been taken over by Virgin Records and Jenner, who had been laid off, became Bragg's manager. Stiff Records' press officer Andy Macdonald — who was setting up his own record label, Go! Discs — received a copy of Life's a Riot with Spy Vs. Spy. He made Virgin an offer and the album was re-released on Go! Discs in November 1983. In 1984, he released Brewing Up with Billy Bragg, a mixture of political songs (e.g., "It Says Here") and songs of unrequited love (e.g., "The Saturday Boy"). The following year he released Between the Wars, an EP of political songs that included a cover version of Leon Rosselson's "The World Turned Upside Down". Bragg later collaborated with Rosselson on the song, "Ballad of the Spycatcher". In 1985, his song "A New England", with an additional verse, became a Top 10 hit in the UK for Kirsty MacColl. After MacColl's early death, Bragg always sang the extra verse in her honour. In 1984-1985 he toured North America.
In 1986, Bragg released Talking with the Taxman about Poetry, which became his first Top 10 album. Its title is taken from a poem by Vladimir Mayakovsky and a translated version of the poem was printed on the record's inner sleeve. Back to Basics is a 1987 collection of his first three releases: Life's A Riot With Spy Vs. Spy, Brewing Up with Billy Bragg, and the Between The Wars EP. Bragg released his fourth album, Workers Playtime, in September 1988. With this album, Bragg added a backing band and accompaniment. In May 1990, Bragg released the political mini-LP, The Internationale. The songs were, in part, a return to his solo guitar style, but some songs featured more complicated arrangements and included a brass band. The album paid tribute to one of Bragg's influences with the song, "I Dreamed I Saw Phil Ochs Last Night", which is an adapted version of Earl Robinson's song, "I Dreamed I Saw Joe Hill Last Night", itself an adaptation of a poem by Alfred Hayes.
The album Don't Try This at Home was released in September 1991, and included the song, "Sexuality", which reached the UK Singles Chart. Bragg had been persuaded by Go! Discs' Andy and Juliet Macdonald to sign a four-album deal with a million pound advance, and a promise to promote the album with singles and videos. This gamble was not rewarded with extra sales, and the situation put the company in financial difficulty. In exchange for ending the contract early and repaying a large amount of the advance, Bragg regained all rights to his back catalogue. Bragg continued to promote the album with his backing band, The Red Stars, which included his Riff Raff colleague and long-time roadie, Wiggy.
Bragg released the album William Bloke in 1996 after taking time off to help raise his son. Around that time, Nora Guthrie (daughter of American folk artist Woody Guthrie) asked Bragg to set some of her father's unrecorded lyrics to music. The result was a collaboration with the band Wilco and Natalie Merchant (with whom Bragg had worked previously). They released the album Mermaid Avenue in 1998, and Mermaid Avenue Vol. II in 2000. A rift with Wilco over mixing and sequencing the album led to Bragg recruiting his own band, The Blokes, to promote the album. The Blokes included keyboardist Ian McLagan, who had been a member of Bragg's boyhood heroes The Faces. The documentary film Man in the Sand depicts the roles of Nora Guthrie, Bragg, and Wilco in the creation of the Mermaid Avenue albums.
In 2004, Bragg joined Florida ska-punk band Less Than Jake to perform a version of 'The Brightest Bulb Has Burned Out' for the Rock Against Bush compilation
At the 2005 Beautiful Days Festival in Devon, Bragg teamed up with the Levellers to perform a short set of songs by The Clash in celebration of Joe Strummer's birthday. Bragg performed guitar and lead vocals on "Police and Thieves", and performed guitar and backing vocals on "English Civil War", and "Police on my Back".
Performing with The Imagined Village at Camp Bestival, 20 July 2008
In 2007, Bragg moved closer to his English folk music roots by joining the WOMAD-inspired collective The Imagined Village, who recorded an album of updated versions of traditional English songs and dances and toured through that autumn. Bragg released his album Mr. Love & Justice in March 2008.[10] This was the second Bragg album to be named after a book by Colin MacInnes. In 2008, during the NME Awards ceremony, Bragg sang a duet with British solo act Kate Nash. They mixed up their two greatest hits, Nash playing "Foundations", and Bragg redoing his "A New England".[11] Bragg also collaborated with the poet and playwright, Patrick Jones, who supported Bragg's Tour.
In 2008, Bragg played a small role in Stuart Bamforth's film "A13: Road Movie".[12] Bragg is featured alongside union reps, vicars, burger van chefs and Members of Parliament[12] in a film that explored "the overlooked, the hidden and the disregarded."[12]
Bragg was involved in the play Pressure Drop at the Wellcome Collection in London in April and May 2010. The production, written by Mick Gorden, and billed as "part play, part gig, part installation", featured new songs by Bragg. He performed during the play with his band, and acted as compere.[13]
Bragg curated the Leftfield stage at Glastonbury Festival 2010 [14]
Politics
Bragg has been involved with grassroots, broadly leftist, political movements,[3] and this is often reflected in his lyrics. Bragg backed the 1984 miners' strike, and the following year he formed the musicians' alliance Red Wedge, which promoted the Labour Party and discouraged young people from voting for the Conservative Party in the 1987 general election. Following the defeat of the Labour Party and the repeated victory of Margaret Thatcher and her Conservative government, Bragg joined Charter88 to push for a reform of the British political system. Billy Bragg has recorded and performed cover versions of famous socialist anthems The Internationale and The Red Flag.
During the 1980s, Bragg travelled to the Soviet Union a few times, after Mikhail Gorbachev had started to promote perestroika and glasnost. During one trip, he was accompanied by MTV, and during another trip he was filmed for the 1998 mini-documentary Mr Bragg Goes to Moscow, by Hannu Puttonen.
In 1999, Bragg appeared before a commission that debated possible reform of the House of Lords.[15]
During the 2001 UK general election, Bragg attempted to combat voter apathy by promoting tactical voting in an attempt to unseat Conservative Party candidates in Dorset, particularly in South Dorset and West Dorset. The Labour Party won South Dorset with their smallest majority, and the Conservative majority in West Dorset was reduced.
Bragg has developed an interest in English national identity, apparent in his 2002 album England, Half-English and his 2006 book The Progressive Patriot. The book expressed his view that English socialists can reclaim patriotism from the right wing. Bragg has been involved in a series of debates with some socialists who disagree, notably the Socialist Workers Party. Bragg also supports Scottish independence.[16] He draws on Victorian poet Rudyard Kipling for an inclusive sense of Englishness.[17].
Bragg has been an outspoken opponent of fascism, racism, bigotry, sexism and homophobia, and is a supporter of a multi-racial Britain. As a result, Bragg has come under attack by far right groups such as the British National Party. In a 2004 article in The Guardian, Bragg was quoted as saying:
The British National Party would probably make it into a parliament elected by proportional representation, too. It would shine a torch into the dirty little corner where the BNP defecate on our democracy, and that would be much more powerful than duffing them up in the street — which I'm also in favour of.[18]
Also in 2004, Bragg collaborated with American ska punk band Less Than Jake to record a song for the Rock Against Bush compilation album.
Bragg supported the pro-Iraq war candidate Oona King against the anti-war George Galloway in the 2005 general election in the constituency of Bethnal Green and Bow, due to a belief that splitting the left-wing vote would allow the Conservative Party to win the seat.[19] Galloway went on to overturn King's 10,000-strong majority to become his party's only MP.[20]
In March 2006, journalist Garry Bushell (a former Trotskyist who ran as a candidate for the English Democrats in 2005) accused Bragg of "pontificating on a South London council estate when we all know he lives in a lovely big house in West Dorset".[21]
Supporting a demonstration against police misuse of anti-terrorism legislation; Trafalgar Square, London, 23 January 2010
In January 2010 Bragg announced that he had decided to withhold his income tax as a protest against the prospective decision by Royal Bank of Scotland to pay bonuses in the region of £1.5 billion to staff working in its investment banking business. The protest was sparked by the appearance of Stephen Hester, the RBS Chief Executive, before the Treasury Select Committee on 12 January 2010. To publicise his protest Bragg set up a Facebook group, which attracted 30,000 members, made numerous appearances on radio and television news programmes and appeared in public at Speakers' Corner in London's Hyde Park. Amongst other things, Bragg said,“Millions are already facing stark choices: are they willing to work longer hours for less money, or would they rather be unemployed? I don’t see why the bankers at RBS shouldn’t be asked the same.”[22]
On the eve of the 2010 General Election, Bragg announced that he would be voting for the Liberal Democrats because "they've got the best manifesto".[23]He also backed the Lib Dems for tactical voting reasons. Despite sounding 'interested'about the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition, despite wanting a Lib-Lab coalition, he then went back to the Labour Party saying 'the Lib Dems had failed democracy'.
However, regarding his music and politics, Bragg said in an interview: "My theory is this; I'm not a political songwriter. I'm an honest songwriter. I try and write honestly about what I see around me now."[24] In another interview, Bragg said: "I don't mind being labeled a political songwriter. The thing that troubles me is being dismissed as a political songwriter."[25] In an interview with Bullz-Eye, Bragg said:
I would then say that I am Mr. Love and Justice, and to check out the love songs. That’s how I capture people. People do say to me, “I love your songs, but I just can’t stand your politics.” And I say, “Well, Republicans are always welcome. Come on over!” I would hate to stand at the door, saying to people, “Do you agree with these positions? If not, you can’t come in.”[26]
Bragg is a board director and key spokesman for the Featured Artists Coalition, a body representing the rights of recording artists.
Bragg founded an organization called Jail Guitar Doors which supplies instruments to prisoners to encourage them to address problems in a non-confrontation way.[27]
In January 2011, news sources reported that 20 to 30 residents of Bragg's Dorset hometown, Burton Bradstock, had received anonymous letters viciously attacking Bragg and his politics, urging the villagers to oppose him and his life in the village. Bragg claimed a supporter of the BNP was behind them. The letters claimed Bragg is a hypocrite for advocating socialism while living a wealthy lifestyle, referring to him as anti-British and pro-immigration.
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ME YOU & US- NICHOLAS WINTON 1909 -
Updated: 27 Jan 2011
Nicholas Winton was born on 19th May 1909.
He was born into a Jewish family but his parents later joined the Christian Church. After leaving school Winton found work at the London Stock Exchange.
In December 1938 Winton visited Prague, the capital of Czechoslovakia, to see a friend, Martin Blake, who was working at the British Embassy. Czechoslovakia was a country that had been created in 1918 from territory that had previously been part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire.
As well as the seven million Czechs, two million Slovaks, 700,000 Hungarians and 450,000 Ruthenians there were three and a half million German speaking people living in Czechoslovakia.
Although Czechoslovakia had never been part of Germany, these people liked to call themselves Germans because of their language. Most of these people lived in the Sudetenland, an area on the Czechoslovakian border with Germany. The German speaking people complained that the Czech-dominated government discriminated against them. German's who had lost their jobs in the depression began to argue that they might be better off under the rule of Adolf Hitler.
In September 1938, Neville Chamberlain, the British prime minister, met Hitler at his home in Berchtesgaden.
Hitler threatened to invade Czechoslovakia unless Britain supported Germany's plans to takeover the Sudetenland.
After discussing the issue with the Edouard Daladier (France) and Eduard Benes (Czechoslovakia), Chamberlain informed Hitler that his proposals were unacceptable.
Benito Mussolini suggested to Hitler that one way of solving this issue was to hold a four-power conference of Germany, Britain, France and Italy.
This would exclude both Czechoslovakia and the Soviet Union, and therefore increasing the possibility of reaching an agreement and undermine the solidarity that was developing against Nazi Germany.
The meeting took place in Munich on 29th September, 1938.
Desperate to avoid war, and anxious to avoid an alliance with Joseph Stalin and the Soviet Union, Neville Chamberlain and Edouard Daladier agreed that Germany could have the Sudetenland. In return, Hitler promised not to make any further territorial demands in Europe. Adolf Hitler, Neville Chamberlain, Edouard Daladier and Benito Mussolini signed the Munich Agreement which transferred the Sudetenland to Germany.
When Eduard Benes, Czechoslovakia's head of state, protested at this decision, Neville Chamberlain told him that Britain would be unwilling to go to war over the issue of the Sudetenland.
The German Army marched into the Sudetenland on 1st October, 1938. As this area contained nearly all the country's mountain fortifications, she was no longer able to defend herself against further aggression.
Jewish people living in the Sudetenland, fearing Nazi persecution, fled to Prague. At that time Martin Blake was involved in helping people in refugee camps in Czechoslovakia.
Winton became convinced that it was vitally important to try and help these people. Winton later recalled: "The Germans were in Prague, and the Germans were only too willing to get rid of these children.
You must remember that at that time the Germans never thought they were going to be at war with Great Britain and vice versa.
So, from the German point of view there was really very little difficulty."

Nicholas Winton with one of the Jewish children he saved.
Winton decided to set up an office at the Sroubek Hotel in Wenceslas Square.
Winton was visited by Jewish parents who asked him if he could help their children escape from the feared Nazi invasion.
Winton appointed Trevor Chadwick and Bill Barazetti to look after the arrangements in Prague and returned to London where he joined forces with the Refugee Children's Movement (RCM) in London.
The mission of this organization was to locate the lodging and money that the British government required as warranties to approve the entry of European refugees, persecuted by Nazism.
As Winton pointed out: "The only problem was to get permits for the children to enter England and to fulfill the conditions which were laid down by the Home Office, which was that I could only bring in a child if I had a family that would look after them." Winton visited the Home Office and the British government agreed that they would allow political refugees younger than 17 years old as long as they had a place to stay and had £50 as warranty of the payment of the return ticket. Winton main task was to find foster parents and to raise the money needed to bring the children to Britain.
Winton returned to work at the Stock Exchange but devoted his evenings to trying to rescue the children from Czechoslovakia. He established an organization, "The British Committee for Refugees from Czechoslovakia, Children's Section." The committee consisted of himself, his mother, his secretary and a few volunteers. Winton advertised in British newspapers for potential sponsors and foster families.
The first group of 15 children were flown out via Sweden on 14th March, 1939. The following day the German Army invaded Czechoslovakia on 15th March, 1939. Over the next few months Winton arranged for 669 children to get out of the country on eight trains. A ninth train containing 250 children was due to leave Prague on 1st September, 1939. However, that day Adolf Hitler ordered the invasion of Poland and all borders controlled by Germany were closed.
On 3rd September, Neville Chamberlain, the British prime minister, declared was on Nazi Germany.
The new German administration responded by refusing to allow the train to leave from Prague.
Winton later recalled that: "None of the 250 children on board was seen again. We had 250 families waiting at Liverpool Street that day in vain.
If the train had been a day earlier, it would have come through.
Not a single one of those children was heard of again."
Vera Gissing was one of the children saved by Winton. She later commented: "He rescued the greater part of the Jewish children of my generation in Czechoslovakia. Very few of us met our parents again: they perished in concentration camps. Had we not been spirited away, we would have been murdered alongside them."
Alice Klimova, who was 11 years old at the time, was another child saved by Winton: "My sister was too old. She was already sixteen, so I went instead of her."
Other children saved included Karel Reisz, Alf Dubs, Milena Grenfell-Baines and Joe Schlesinger.

Nicholas Winton as an ambulance driver in France in 1940.
After the Second World War Winton worked for Abbeyfield Society, a charity that provides housing with support or care for older people. In 1983 Winton was awarded the MBE for his charity work.
Winton's wife discovered a scrapbook in the attic in 1988 that included all the children's photos, a complete list of names and a few letters from parents of the children to Winton. After he told her the full story this information was passed to Elisabeth Maxwell, a Holocaust historian.
Eventually, Winton was featured in the TV programme, That's Life. The presenter, Esther Rantzen arranged for Winton to meet some of the children he rescued from Czechoslovakia.
Winton was awarded the Freedom of the City of Prague, and on 28th October, 1998, Vaclav Havel, President of the Czech Republic, awarded him the Order of Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk.
Winton was the subject of two films by Czech filmmaker Matej Miná?.
The first was a feature film, All My Loved Ones (1999).
This was followed by the documentary film The Power of Good: Nicholas Winton (2002).
Later that year Sir Nicholas Winton was awarded a knighthood in the New Year's honours list.

Nicholas Winton, Elizabeth Maxwell and Matej Miná? in 1999
The Bratislava History Project was launched in October 2008.
This is a joint project between British and Slovak school children researching aspects of joint recent history.
The project brings together the British Council’s Dreams and Teams school twinning initiative which seeks to encourage leadership and citizenship skills and the European History e-Learning Project, an European Commission's Socrates funded project that promotes the use of ICT in the history classroom.
The project is coordinated by Richard Jones-Nerzic of the British International School in Bratislava.
Sir Nicholas Winton, Joe Schlesinger, Lady Milena Grenfell-Baines, Lord Alfred Dubs and Vera Gissing will be interviewed by a small group of students.
After the event, the students will collaborate to produce a website of their videos and research, along with a documentary of the day.
The website is intended to be used by schools in the future as a curriculum resource, but also as a model of best practice in the application of ICT in European school collaboration projects.
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ME, YOU & US- BBC SEARCHES FOR NEW GENERATION OF BIG "TINKERS"
Updated: 23 Jan 2011
BBC searches for new generation of big thinkers
The BBC has launched a nationwide hunt to find the next generation of public thinkers.
By Roya Nikkhah, Arts Correspondent 10:15AM GMT 23 Jan 2011
RADICAL SAYS ;- Don't forget the "TINKERS"- Intellectuals and great thinkers do contribute but most forward movements in history have come from science and the science of practical innovation, be it in agriculture or discovery of materials to exploit for the common good. The hunt for thinkers should be extended to great doers
A panel of judges including BBC producers and professors will scour universities for new academic stars, the best of whom will showcase their talents on BBC Radio 3.
More than 1,000 applicants have entered Radio 3's "New Generation Thinkers" competition.
A shortlist of 60 will attend workshop-style auditions in March to pitch original programme ideas based on their academic research to win a slot on national radio.
Ten winners will be selected in April, who will develop their own programmes for Radio 3 and will appear on-air taking part in debates and delivering their own lectures.
Alain de Botton, the author and philosopher, said the competition was a bold move for the world of broadcast. He said: "Broadcasters are generally terrified of experts.
Above all else, they fear talking above the heads of their audiences, and hence end up – unwittingly – talking down at them.
"This is a great idea.
Whether it be in science, philosophy or literature, there's a real danger that the experts will stop talking to the rest of us and merely talk among their peers, while the rest of society is left to consume mediocre contentless fare.
But Radio 3 is the most niche of all the channels – if only it could be Radio 1 or Radio 4."
Aspiring public thinkers entering the competition must be over 18 and undertaking a postgraduate qualification or PhD, or be within eight years of receiving a PhD.
The judging panel for the competition includes Jonathan Bate, professor of Shakespeare and Renaissance Literature at Warwick University, Professor Rick Rylance, the chief executive of the Arts and Humanities Research Council and Matthew Dodd, head of speech programming at Radio 3.
Mr Dodd said: "This is a talent scheme to find the bright new stars of modern scholarship.
The winners will need a lightness of touch in their delivery and how they execute their authority and will need to think about how difficult and abstract ideas can be communicated in a dynamic way."
Roger Wright, the controller of Radio 3, said: "There is a wealth of fascinating research being done by academics in universities and the New Generation Thinkers initiative is to help BBC Radio 3 bring new voices from within universities to a wider audience."
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ME YOU & US- THE RAT RACE IS FOR RATS ?
Updated: 23 Jan 2011
Is £250,000 enough to escape the rat race?
2:31pm Tuesday 19th September 2006
Property correspondent Peter Trevail discovers parts of the UK where you can still buy a smallholding for the price of a London studio.
Many of you who have become smallholders over the last quarter of a century were possibly inspired by the BBC's classic comedy The Good Life.
Tom Good (Richard Briars) decides he has had enough of the rat race and, with the help of his doting wife Barbara (Felicity Kendall) he turns the back garden of their suburban house into a miniature farm, much to the disgust of snobbish neighbours Margo and Jerry (Penelope Keith and Paul Eddington).
The more sensible among you probably did it differently, like selling up and moving to the country where farmyard smells and noises are not likely to cause quite so much controversy.
It was, of course, much easier to do back in the seventies when The Good Life set us all dreaming about escaping from the daily crush on the London Tube and the stresses of making money on the financial markets.
You could sell your town house for £45,000 and buy a cottage with a few acres in the country for £20,000.
It was perfect for those of us who had the courage to take the plunge - freedom from back-stabbing office politics; no rush-hour battles; clean air; fresh, healthy food; normal blood pressure; no mortgage and (for a short time, at least) even some spare cash in the bank.
The dream of an eco-friendly, self-sufficient lifestyle caught on and more and more people started to appreciate that there was life west of Wimbledon. That, of course, was the problem.
As the hoards of escapees cashed-in the equity on their city pads and headed for the hills, rural estate agents quickly realised that they were on to a winner.
The laws of supply and demand very soon came into play and those who left it too late missed the opportunity to take advantage of the vast differences in price between city and rural property in the most popular parts of the UK.
Cornwall - Smallholder magazine's home-base - used to be one of the cheapest places in the UK to live but that's all changed in recent years.
You would probably now have to raise an extra mortgage to swap your three-bedroom home in the suburbs of London for a cottage with a couple of acres in the south western tip of England.
Spectacular scenery, a mild climate and the more relaxed lifestyle have attracted not just those who want to live off the land, but also thousands of retired folk who discovered that they could supplement their pensions by releasing equity in city homes and relocating to the peace, quiet and safety of the country.
Surprisingly, however, all is not lost for urban prisoners.
There are still undiscovered corners of the UK which offer an escape route for wage slaves seeking a better way of life - or, indeed, that provide an opportunity for existing smallholders to move to a cheaper part of the country and release equity.
I was challenged to find a smallholding anywhere in the UK for under £250,000 - the price of an average bungalow on an in-town estate in my part of the world - and I was pleasantly surprised by the results of my search.
The choice is limited, I have to admit, and in England you'll have to put up with living in the flatlands around The Fens or the bleak wilderness of Northumberland in order to find anything habitable for under £250,000.
Wales still offers a few opportunities but, for the real bargains, you need to head much further north.
Let's look first at the opportunities for those who don't want to live too near the Artic Circle.
In Lincolnshire there is a character two-bedroom house with stables and a cattery, plus four acres of land, for just £220,000 - the price of a studio apartment in the not so salubrious parts of London.
It is being offered for sale by Rural and Equestrian Ltd, who have offices in Kings Lynn, Norfolk.
Graham Hain, from Rural and Equestrian estate agents, has many years experience of successfully selling smallholding type properties to a variety of clients, many of whom have moved from an urban environment to the country.
"These are people who have always aspired to live the Good Life' and enjoy a country lifestyle," he said. "Most have done so with little or no need for a mortgage, either downsizing or waiting for the children to flee the nest."
Graham - who has 400 properties with land for sale on his firm's website, www.ruralandequestrian.com - often recommends Smallholder to clients buying their first rural property.
"Smallholder is a valuable source of information for these people in their new environment and helps them to buy livestock and learn how to grow crops," he said.
East Anglian Equestrian Properties also had some bargains on their books that caught my eye but they were gone in a flash.
They were a semi-detached cottage at Wisbech, Cambridgeshire, with 2.5 acres, which was advertised for £230,000, and a detached period house with four stables, barns and five paddocks - in all approaching three acres - for £255,000 (ok, slightly above my budget, but I reckoned on a bit of negotiation!).
"Properties with land are available under the £250,000 stamp duty threshold but you have to be quick to find them," said Russ Brown, from East Anglian Equestrian Properties.
"We often get offers accepted before we get time to post out the brochures so anyone looking for property in this price range is advised to check our web site (www.eaequestrian.co.uk) daily."
If you're quick, there is still a bargain to be had in Cambridgeshire. Cheffins, who are based at Ely, are advertising a detached farmhouse with extensive farm buildings at a guide price of £200,000.
The house needs modernising and has only half-an-acre included in the sale but two plots of land are available separately - 12.37 acres with a guide price of £30,000 and a further 5.84 acres with a guide price of £25,000.
"You shouldn't have too much trouble finding a smallholding with a budget of £250,000 in this area," said Robert Webster, of Cheffins (www.cheffins.co.uk).
East Anglia may have some bargain properties but it is not the most picturesque part of the UK.
If you're willing to search a little harder and stretch the budget a little, there are some spectacular properties to be found in beautiful Wales.
Bob Jones-Prytherch and Co have a five-acre smallholding for sale in a secluded location within the Brecon Beacons National Park where the scenery is described as "dramatic."
The asking price for this smallholding is only £249,500 but the cottage is in need of major renovation.
"Yes, you can still buy a smallholding for under £250,000 in Wales but they are not easy to find and are likely to need some refurbishment," said Jonathan Morgan, a director of Bob Jones-Prytherch and Co whose properties can be viewed at www.bjpco.com.
To make that £250,000 budget go further you need to head north, but don't believe all that you read.
An article in a national newspaper recently featured a 178-acre farm in the Northumberland Country Park for just £250,000.
The fully modernised two-bedroom farmhouse was said to still have many original character features and there was planning permission for an extension.
It was quickly sold for "substantially more" than the guide price, the agent told me. "We advertised this property at £250,000 to test the market," he said, "and there was considerable interest."
So where are the really genuine bargains?
Where can you still buy a country estate for the price of a London flat? The answer is Scotland.
If I can persuade "She who must be obeyed" to move - highly unlikely, I'm afraid - the property I am about to describe will be owned by me before you read this article.
It is a "gloriously situated" 180-acre coastal farm in a stunning location.
There is a detached traditional farmhouse with two, possibly three, bedrooms plus a detached two-bedroom chalet.
You won't believe the guide price.
It's just £110,000! Yes, there is a bit of a catch.
The farm is on the remote but incredibly beautiful island of Papa Stour, part of the Shetlands.
There is no shop or pub on Papa Stour but there is a primary school and a church.
Civilisation is just a short ferry trip away and you can order your shopping by phone and have it delivered by the Co-op every Wednesday.
The ferry runs five days a week and there is also a weekly air service.
The island is unspoilt with a diversity of wild life.
The water around Papa Stour has been made a Special Area of Conservation because of the wealth of marine life.
Sea otters play in the fields and on the beaches and common and grey seals have their pups around June/July time. In summer there are frequent sightings of killer whales and porpoises.
The farm, known as Hurdiback, is being offered for sale by Rural Scene and full details, with pictures, can be viewed on their web site (www.ruralscene.co.uk).
Rural Scene, who are based in Wiltshire but are UK-wide smallholding specialists, also have another interesting Scottish property in Aberdeenshire.
North Gowanwell Croft has a three bedroom house, a range of outbuildings and 30 acres of land - all for around £190,000.
Edward Oldrey, a Rural Scene director, said: "For purchasers looking for a smallholding in the UK under £250,000 the best area to concentrate on is Scotland, where it is possible to find a good three or four bedroom stone house with outbuildings and land for £150,000-£200,000.
The Scottish Islands are cheaper still and similar properties can be found for under £100,000.
"Second choice would be West Wales, where prices are slightly higher but there are still plenty of opportunities under £250,000.
Elsewhere the choice is fairly limited, however the Fens in north Cambridgeshire, west Norfolk and south Lincolnshire is a good bet."
Mark McAndrew, a partner in the farm sales department at international property consultants Strutt and Parker (www.struttandparker.com), broadly agrees with this view.
"Houses with land for under £250,000 are going to be few and far between in the south," he said.
"You might find something with an agricultural condition attached but even then it will be difficult.
"You will certainly be able to find a smallholding below £250,000 in Scotland but even then it will depend upon where you are looking.
There are parts of Scotland where prices are as high as the south of England."
Strutt and Parker, who have offices throughout the UK, currently have an interesting smallholding in Ross-Shire on their books with offers in excess of £249,000 invited.
Mairi Croft is an attractive detached modern house set in an idyllic highland location with stunning views of the surrounding countryside and Loch Long, on the edge of the popular crofting community of Dornie.
There is a spacious garden, 2.3 acres of fenced crofting land and a one-sixth share of common grazing land, all set within an area known for its dramatic and highly scenic natural beauty.
If you prefer to stay south of the border, Strutt and Parker have a farmhouse with traditional outbuildings and 2.29 acres of land - partly woodland - in Northumberland with a guide price of £225,000.
Lowick South Steads near Berwick-upon-Tweed is in an idyllic rural position - but there is a catch.
The house is in need of restoration, although detailed planning permission exists and this includes converting part of the outbuildings to create a single dwelling.
A smallholder with DIY skills might just be able to buy and renovate the property for under £250,000.
But if you want to move straight in to your new low-budget smallholding without any hassle it looks like you need to concentrate your search on The Fens or Scotland.
Don't get crushed in the rush ...
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ME YOU & US- WILLIAM MORRIS- SOCIALIST
Updated: 23 Sep 2010
Don't forget Morris's major contribution
Wednesday 22 September 2010
The contribution made by William Morris to British socialism was ignored or misrepresented from the moment he died so it is hardly surprising your recent correspondents cannot agree.
Morris saw the need for links between revolutionary socialism, art and green politics as well as Darwinian ideas.
As a socialist and an artist Morris opposed war propaganda.
This and his internationalism puts him ahead of both his contemporaries and many present-day socialists.
Morris exchanged his ideas of revolutionary socialism with Engels and though they may not always have agreed he shared platforms with Engels, Eleanor Marx and revolutionary socialists of their day.
The fact that Engels described the author of News from Nowhere as an "imaginative force" is not a criticism of either man.
Popular leaders like Fidel Castro have demonstrated that imagination is an essential and powerful force in revolutionary ideas.
The British road to socialism surely needs Morris and Marx.
Tony Simpson Honiton
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ME YOU & US- JIMMY REID OF CLYDESIDE DIES.
Updated: 13 Aug 2010

Obituary: Jimmy Reid
Thursday 12 August 2010
John Foster and Davie Torrance
Jimmy Reid, who died on Wednesday, is ranked as one of the foremost leaders of the working-class revolt that helped topple Edward Heath's Conservative government of 1970-4.
Along with Sammy Barr and Jimmy Airlie, he was one of a trimvirate of Communist Party shop stewards who became the public face of the "work-in" when 8,000 upper Clyde shipyard workers defied the government-imposed closure and occupied their yards for 15 months.
Reid's eloquence ensured that the issue was broadened beyond that of shipyard jobs to the right to work for all workers facing redundancy and unemployment.
"We are not going on strike," said Reid.
"We are taking over the yards.
We refuse to accept that faceless men can take these decisions."
Reid was born in Govan, left school at 14 and served his apprenticeship as a fitter at Polar Engines.
In 1952 he helped lead the strike by Clydeside engineering apprentices for a living wage and became chairman of the strike committee.
Originally a member of the Labour League of Youth, he joined the Young Communist League (YCL) in 1950 and in 1956 moved to London as one of its full-time organisers, becoming its general secretary in 1959.
He returned to Scotland in 1966 to become Scottish secretary of the Communist Party.
Reid's involvement with the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders (UCS) came when he returned to his trade in the Govan Division of UCS in 1969, moving to the John Brown Division in Clydebank where he married Joan Swankie and was elected as one of the four Communist Party councillors on Clydebank town council.
The semi-nationalised UCS had been created in 1968 by Tony Benn to rescue five loss-making shipyards on the upper Clyde.
The Conservatives came to power pledging to kill off industrial "lame ducks" and in June 1971 they withdrew trade credits, pushing the company into administration.
Some 6,000 workers were scheduled to lose their jobs within three months.
Under the leadership of Reid, Airlie and Barr the co-ordinating committee of the joint shop stewards refused to accept this outcome and occupied the yards.
The great achievements of the shop stewards leadership was to keep the workforce united across all yards, build a much wider alliance involving the Scottish Trades Union Congress and the Convention of Scottish Local Authorities, and convert the issue of shipyard jobs into a struggle that galvanised the entire British trade union movement. In this Reid played the leading role.
Recently released government records reveal the dismay of ministers at the "monopoly of publicity" achieved by the shop stewards and the degree to which the occupation of the yards was directly undermining their wider industrial relations strategy.
In Scotland two one-day strikes stopped industry across the country and over the following 12 months 200 other workplace occupations took place across Britain to halt redundancies.
Reid's power as a public speaker saw him winning election as Rector of Glasgow University in 1972 in a contest against the Tory MP Teddy Taylor and Labour's Margaret Herbison.
Following the success of the work-in, Reid and his fellow Communist Party councillors played a decisive role in winning Clydebank town council over to the position of refusing to implement the Tory Housing Finance Act, which was designed to undermine council housing. In the following parliamentary election Reid won 5,928 votes for the Communist Party.
In 1977 he left the Communist Party.
Two years later he unsuccessful contested a parliamentary seat for the Labour Party, and then became a columnist for the Daily Mirror and Glasgow Herald.
In the 1980s he wrote for Murdoch's Sun newspaper and criticised Arthur Scargill during the miners' strike.
In the 1990s he moved back towards the left and was critical of Blair, new Labour and the Iraq war.
He helped establish the Scottish Left Review and joined the Scottish National Party in 2005.
However, his lasting legacy is witnessed by the 5,000 shipyard workers still employed on the Clyde today.
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ME ,YOU & US-TOM MANN
Updated: 08 Aug 2010
Tom Mann, the son of the clerk at the local colliery, was born in Foleshill, near Coventry, on 15th April, 1856.
Tom started school at six but left at nine to work at a farm.
The following year he became a trapper at the Victoria Colliery.
A series of underground explosions closed the colliery and in 1870 the family moved to Birmingham and Tom started a seven-year engineering apprenticeship.
Tom was a religious boy and on a Sunday he would sample different church services.
He considered joining the Nonconformist and Quaker groups before becoming a teacher at the local Anglican Sunday School.
Tom also attended a large number of political meetings and heard people such as John Bright, George Holyoake, Charles Bradlaugh and Annie Besant speak in Birmingham.
After Tom Mann finished his apprenticeship in 1877 he moved to London.
Unable to find work in his trade, Mann did a variety of different menial jobs before being employed in an engineering shop in 1879.
Mann's foreman, Sam Mainwaring, was a socialist and introduced him to the ideas of William Morris.
Mann became interested in improving his education over the next few years spent his leisure time reading writers such as John Stuart Mill, Thomas Carlyle, John Ruskin and Henry George.
In 1881 Mann joined the Amalgamated Society of Engineers and soon afterwards participated in his first strike. He also became a member of the Fabian Society and the Battersea branch of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) that had just been established by John Burns.
Mann was a strong advocate of the eight-hour day, one of the leaders of the Social Democratic Federation, Henry Hyde Champion, suggested that he should write a pamphlet on the subject.
The pamphlet, What a Compulsory Eight-Hour Day Means to the Workers, was published in June, 1886, and helped to persuade a large number of people to support this measure.
Mann formed the Eight Hour League and this group was influential in convincing the trade union movement to adopt the statutory eight-hour day as one of its core policies.
Mann read The Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in 1886.
Mann was converted and after this date he openly admitted to being a communist. He now saw the main purpose of trade union activity was to try and bring about the overthrow of the capitalist system.
In 1887 Tom Mann moved to Newcastle where he became the SDF's northern organizer.
While in the area he helped form the North of England Socialist Federation.
He also acted as the manager of the campaign to get Keir Hardie elected as MP for Mid-Lanarkshire.
After this he returned to London and worked as an investigative journalist for the Labour Elector, a journal edited by Henry Hyde Champion.
When the London Dock Strike started in August 1889, Ben Tillett asked Mann to manage the distribution of relief tickets to his union members.
Tillett's union was demanding four hours continuous work at a time and a minimum rate of sixpence an hour.
During the dispute Mann emerged with Tillett and John Burns as one of the three main leaders of the strike.
The employers hoped to starve the dockers back to work but other trade union activists such as Will Thorne, Eleanor Marx, James Keir Hardie and Henry Hyde Champion, gave valuable support to the 10,000 men now out on strike. Organizations such as the Salvation Army and the Labour Church raised money for the strikers and their families.
Trade Unions in Australia sent over £30,000 to help the dockers to continue the struggle. After five weeks the employers accepted defeat and granted all the dockers' main demands.
After the successful strike, the dockers formed a new General Labourers' Union.
Ben Tillett was elected General Secretary and Tom Mann became the union's first President. In London alone, 20,000 men joined this new union.
Tillett and Mann wrote a pamphlet together called the New Unionism, where they outlined their socialist views and explained how their ideal was a "cooperative commonwealth".
Mann was now one of England's leading trade unionists.
He was elected to the London Trades Council, became secretary of the National Reform Union, and a member of the Royal Commission on Labour (1891-93).
He remained a strong supporter of Christian Socialism and in 1893 considered the possibility of becoming an Anglican minister.
In 1894 Mann was elected as secretary of the new Independent Labour Party (ILP). He stood three times for Parliament as a ILP candidate.
He was defeated in the 1895 General Election at Colne Valley and at a by-election in North Aberdeen in the following year, he came within 500 votes of victory.
A third attempt at a by-election in Halifax in 1897 also ended in failure.
Mann remained an active trade unionist and in 1897 he helped form the Workers Union and although growth was initially slow, it and eventually merged with others to became the Transport & General Workers Union.
In December, 1901, Mann emigrated to Melbourne in Australia.
He was active in both trade unionism and politics.
He became an organizer for the Australian Labour Party and in 1910 formed the Socialist Party of Australia.
He was arrested twice and charged with sedition but in both cases was acquitted.
Mann returned to England in 1910 and his old friend Ben Tillett, employed him as an organizer for his Dockers Union. Mann also wrote a pamphlet, The Way to Win, where he argued that socialism would be achieved through trade union activity rather than by parliamentary elections.
He established the Industrial Syndicalist Education League and edited The Industrial Syndicalist.
Tom Mann led the 1911 transport workers strike in Liverpool, and although it lasted for seventy-two days, the employers eventually accepted the union's demands.
During the strike Mann published a leaflet written by a railwayman, Fred Crowsley, urging soldiers not to fire upon striking workers.
After the strike was over Mann was arrested and charged with sedition.
He was found guilty and sentenced to six months imprisonment but only served seven weeks before public pressure secured his release.
Like many socialists, Mann was opposed to Britain's involvement in the First World War.
He joined the British Socialist Party, an organisation hostile to the war and in 1917 supported the Russian Revolution and suggested the creation of soviets in Britain.
Tom Mann was elected to the post as Secretary of the Amalgamated Engineering Union in 1919 but two years later was forced to resign as he had reached sixty-five, the compulsory retirement age.
On 31st July, 1920, a group of revolutionary socialists attended a meeting at the Cannon Street Hotel in London. The men and women were members of various political groups including the British Socialist Party (BSP), the Socialist Labour Party (SLP), Prohibition and Reform Party (PRP) and the Workers' Socialist Federation (WSF).
It was agreed to form the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB).
Early members included Tom Mann, Tom Bell, Willie Paul, Arthur McManus, Harry Pollitt, Rajani Palme Dutt, Helen Crawfurd, A. J. Cook, Albert Inkpin, J. T. Murphy, Arthur Horner, Rose Cohen, John R. Campbell, Bob Stewart, Shapurji Saklatvala, Sylvia Pankhurst and Robin Page Arnot.
Mann continued to travel the world advocating socialism and published pamphlets such as Russia in 1921, where he supported the measures being taken by the Russian communist government.
In 1923 he published his autobiography, Tom Mann's Memoirs.
Mann, now in his late seventies, continued to upset the authorities with his speeches and pamphlets.
After a speech he made in Belfast in October 1932 criticizing cuts in poor relief, he was sent to prison under the terms of the 1817 Seditious Meetings Act.
Two years later he was put on trial in Cardiff for sedition but was acquitted.
On the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War Mann became a member of the Spanish Medical Aid Committee, an organization that had been set-up by the Socialist Medical Association and other progressive groups.
Other members included Lord Faringdon, Arthur Greenwood, Ben Tillett, Harry Pollitt, Hugh O'Donnell, Mary Redfern Davies and Isobel Brown.
In August 1936 Harry Pollitt arranged for Tom Wintringham to go to Spain to represent the Communist Party of Great Britain during the Civil War. While in Barcelona he developed the idea of a volunteer international legion to fight on the side of the Republican Army.
He wrote: "You have to treat the building of an army as a political problem, a question of propaganda, of ideas soaking in."
Pollitt agreed and it was decided to call it the Tom Mann Centuria and it was one of the first of the International Brigades that fought in the war.
Tom Mann died in Leeds on 13th March, 1941.
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ME YOU & US - AUSSIE DAVID WARREN'S "BLACK BOX"
Updated: 31 Jul 2010
David Warren: Inventor and developer of the 'black box' flight data recorder
By Marcus Williamson
Saturday, 31 July 2010
Whenever we hear of a plane crash, the report inevitably turns at some point to the recovery and analysis of the aircraft's "black boxes", known formally as the Cockpit Voice Recorder (CVR) and Flight Data Recorder (FDR).
David Warren was responsible for inventing the CVR and furthering the development of the FDR, both of which have since helped the investigation of air accidents and, as a consequence, led to safer air travel.
David Ronald de Mey Warren was born in Groote Eylandt, Australia in 1925.
His father, an Anglican missionary, was killed in an unsolved plane crash when David Warren was just nine years old. Warren's interest in electronics was kindled by the gift from his father of a simple crystal radio, just prior to the accident.
The outbreak of war led to a ban on amateur radio transmissions, so Warren turned his focus towards chemistry, which he went on to study at the University of Sydney.
Following a period as a teacher in Victoria and Sydney, in 1952 he joined the Aeronautical Research Laboratories (ARL) of the Defence Science and Technology Organisation (DSTO) in Melbourne.
Here he specialised in the chemistry of aircraft fuels.
The de Havilland Comet passenger aircraft was introduced in 1952 and experienced two unexplained crashes within its first two years, which Warren became involved in investigating.
It occurred to him during the inquests that a small recording device installed in the cockpit could have helped determine the causes of the two crashes by allowing investigators to hear the voices of the crew and replay vital flight data.
This would effectively provide an enduring witness, after the fact.
His paper "A Device for Assisting Investigation into Aircraft Accidents" (1954) described the theoretical system and by 1956 he had already created a prototype "black box", named the "ARL Flight Memory Unit", which allowed the storage of up to four hours of voice and flight-instrument data.
In a 2003 Australian interview he explained:
"I had seen, at a trade fair, a gadget which fascinated me.
It was the world's first miniature recorder to put in your pocket. I put the two ideas together.
If a businessman had been using one of these in the plane and we could find it in the wreckage and we played it back, we'd say, 'We know what caused this'."
The idea was not at first well received by airlines.
Pilots rejected the concept, fearing that these black boxes might be used to spy on crew, and their union, the Pilots' Federation, insisted that "no plane would take off in Australia with Big Brother listening".
The Royal Australian Air Force further commented that "such a device is not required" and that " ...the recorder would yield more expletives than explanations".
Fortunately, the 1958 visit to Australia of a British official, Robert Hardingham (later Sir Robert), chief executive of the Air Registration Board, and a former de Havilland employee, was to change the situation.
He immediately recognised the importance of the invention and arranged for Warren to visit the UK to demonstrate the prototype.
Within a few years the "black boxes" were commercialised by the British company S. Davall and Son, who named the system the "Red Egg" for its shape and colour, which made it more easily locatable after a crash.
By the late Sixties the device was compulsory in all Australian aircraft and soon after was a requirement in civilian passenger-planes worldwide.
Warren's work at the Defence Science and Technology Organisation continued until his retirement in 1983.
In 2001 he received the Lawrence Hargrave award for outstanding achievements in Australian aeronautics and in 2002 he was appointed an Officer in the Order of Australia for his service to the aviation industry.
David Ronald de Mey Warren, inventor: born Groote Eylandt, Australia 3 March 1925; married Ruth Meadows (two sons, two daughters); died Melbourne, Australia 19 July 2010.
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ME, YOU & US- PIUS MAU PIAILUG- SAILING BY THE STARS
Updated: 24 Jul 2010
Pius Mau Piailug, master navigator, died on July 12th, aged 78
Jul 22nd 2010
IN THE spring of 1976 Mau Piailug offered to sail a boat from Hawaii to Tahiti.
\The expedition, covering 2,500 miles, was organised by the Polynesian Voyaging Society to see if ancient seafarers could have gone that way, through open ocean.
The boat was beautiful, a double-hulled canoe named Hokule’a, or “Star of Gladness” (Arcturus to Western science).
But there was no one to captain her.
At that time, Mau was the only man who knew the ancient Polynesian art of sailing by the stars, the feel of the wind and the look of the sea. So he stepped forward.
As a Micronesian he did not know the waters or the winds round Tahiti, far south-east.
But he had an image of Tahiti in his head. He knew that if he aimed for that image, he would not get lost.
And he never did. More than 2,000 miles out, a flock of small white terns skimmed past the Hokule’a heading for the still invisible Mataiva Atoll, next to Tahiti.
Mau knew then that the voyage was almost over.
On that month-long trip he carried no compass, sextant or charts.
He was not against modern instruments on principle.
A compass could occasionally be useful in daylight; and, at least in old age, he wore a chunky watch. But Mau did not operate on latitude, longitude, angles, or mathematical calculations of any kind.
He walked, and sailed, under an arching web of stars moving slowly east to west from their rising to their setting points, and knew them so well—more than 100 of them by name, and their associated stars by colour, light and habit—that he seemed to hold a whole cosmos in his head, with himself, determined, stocky and unassuming, at the nub of the celestial action.
Sharing breadfruit
Setting out on an ocean voyage, with water in gourds and pounded tubers tied up in leaves, he would point his canoe into the right slant of wind, and then along a path between a rising star and an opposite, setting one. With his departure star astern and his destination star ahead, he could keep to his course.
By day he was guided by the rising and setting sun but also by the ocean herself, the mother of life.
He could read how far he was from shore, and its direction, by the feel of the swell against the hull.
He could detect shallower water by colour, and see the light of invisible lagoons reflected in the undersides of clouds.
Sweeter-tasting fish meant rivers in the offing; groups of birds, homing in the evening, showed him where land lay.
He began to learn all this as a baby, when his grandfather, himself a master navigator, held his tiny body in tidal pools to teach him how waves and wind blew differently from place to place.
Later came intensive memorising of the star-compass, a circle of coral pebbles, each pebble a star, laid out in the sand round a palm-frond boat.
This was not dilettantism, but essential study; on tiny Satawal Atoll, where he spent his life, deep-sea fishing out in the Pacific was necessary to survive.
Nonetheless, the old ways were changing fast. After Mau, at 18, was made a palu or initiated navigator, hung with garlands and showered with yellow turmeric to show the knowledge he had gained, no other Pacific islander was initiated for 39 years.
Alone, he went out in his boat with the proper incantations to the spirits of the ocean, with proper “magical protection” against the evil octopus that lurked in the waters between Pafang and Chuuk, and with the wisdom never to get lost—or only once, when he was wrecked by a typhoon and spent seven months, with his crew, waiting to be rescued from an uninhabited island.
As a palu, however, he could not allow his skills to die with him.
He was duty-bound to pass them on. Hence his agreement to captain the Hokule’a.
That voyage, which proved that the migration of peoples from the south and west to Hawaii was not accident, but probably a deliberate act of superlative sea- and starcraft, transformed the self-image of Hawaiians; and it changed Mau’s life.
Suddenly, he was in demand as a teacher.
Patiently, pointer in hand, one leg tucked under him, he would explain the star compass to new would-be navigators; but he allowed them to write it down.
He knew they could never keep it all in their heads, as he had.
Much of what he knew, of course, was secret.
The secrecy was serious: when he spoke of spirits, his smiling face became deadly sober and even scared. To a very few students, he passed on “The Talk of the Sea” and “The Talk of the Light”.
By doing so, he broke a rule that Micronesian knowledge should remain in those islands only.
It seemed to him, though, that Polynesians and Micronesians were one people, united by the vast ocean which he, and they, had crisscrossed for millennia in their tiny boats.
In 2007 the people of Hawaii gave him a present of a double-hulled canoe, the Alingano Maisu. Maisu means “ripe breadfruit blown from a tree in a storm”, which anyone may eat.
The breadfruit was Mau’s favourite tree anyway: tall and light, with a twisty grain excellent for boat-building, sticky latex for caulking, and big starchy fruit which, fermented, made the ideal food for an ocean voyage.
But maisu also referred to easy, communal sharing of something good: like the knowledge of how to sail for weeks out on the Pacific, without maps, going by the stars.
Obituary
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ME YOU & US- BOBBY SANDS
Updated: 26 Jun 2010
BOBBY SANDS
Died May 5th, 1981
The revolutionary spirit of freedom
Portions of this article were first published anonymously in 'Republican News', December 16th, 1978.
The smuggled out article recalls how the spirit of republican defiance grew within him, and is a semi-autobiographical account.
BOBBY SANDS was born in 1954 in Rathcoole, a predominantly loyalist district of north Belfast.
His twenty-seventh birthday fell on the ninth day of his sixty-six-day hunger strike.
His sisters Marcella, one year younger, and Bernadette, were born in April 1955 and November 1958, respectively. All three lived their early years at Abbots Cross in the Newtownabbey area of north Belfast.
A second son, John, now nineteen, was born to their parents John and Rosaleen, now both aged 57, in June 1962.
The sectarian realities of ghetto life materialised early in Bobby's life when at the age of ten his family were forced to move home owing to loyalist intimidation even as early as 1962.
Bobby recalled his mother speaking of the troubled times which occurred during her childhood; 'Although I never really under stood what internment was or who the 'Specials' were, I grew to regard them as symbols of evil '.
Of this time Bobby himself later wrote: ''I was only a working-class boy from a Nationalist ghetto, but it is repression that creates the revolutionary spirit of freedom.
I shall not settle until I achieve liberation of my country, until Ireland becomes a sovereign, independent socialist republic. ''
When Bobby was sixteen years old he started work as an apprentice coach builder and joined the National Union of Vehicle Builders and the ATGWU.
In an article printed in 'An Phoblacht/Republican News' on April 4th, 1981, Bobby recalled: ''Starting work, although frightening at first became alright, especially with the reward at the end of the week.
Dances and clothes, girls and a few shillings to spend, opened up a whole new world to me.''
Bobby's background, experiences and ambitions did not differ greatly from that of the average ghetto youth.
Then came 1968 and the events which were to change his life.
Bobby had served two years of his apprenticeship when he was intimidated out of his job.
His sister Bernadette recalls: "Bobby went to work one morning and these fellows were standing there cleaning guns.
One fellow said to him, 'Do you see these here, well if you don't go you'll get this' then Bobby also found a note in his lunch-box telling him to get out."
In June 1972, the family were intimidated out of their home in Doonbeg Drive, Rathcoole and moved into the newly built Twinbrook estate on the fringe of nationalist West Belfast.
Bernadette again recalled: We had suffered intimidation for about eighteen months before we were actually put out.
We had always been used to having Protestant friends.
Bobby had gone around with Catholics and Protestants, but it ended up when everything erupted, that the friends he went about with for years were the same ones who helped to put his family out of their home.
As well as being intimidated out of his job and his home being under threat Bobby also suffered personal attacks from the loyalists.
At eighteen Bobby joined the Republican Movement. Bernadette says: .. 'he was just at the age when he was beginning to become aware of things happening around him.
He more or less just said right, this is where I'm going to take up.
A couple of his cousins had been arrested and interned. Booby felt that he should get involved and start doing something. '
Bobby himself wrote.
"My life now centered around sleepless nights and stand-bys dodging the Brits and calming nerves to go out on operations.
But the people stood by us.
The people not only opened the doors of their homes to lend us a hand but they opened their hearts to us.
I learned that without the people we could not survive and I knew that I owed them everything.
In October 1972, he was arrested.
Four handguns were found in a house he was staying in and he was charged with possession.
He spent the next three years in the cages of Long Kesh where he had political prisoner status.
During this time Bobby read widely and taught himself Irish which he was later to teach the other blanket men in the H-Blocks.
Released in 1976 Bobby returned to his family in Twinbrook.
He reported back to his local unit and straight back into the continuing struggle: 'Quite a lot of things had changed some parts of the ghettos had completely disappeared and others were in the process of being removed.
The war was still forging ahead although tactics and strategy had changed.
The British government was now seeking to 'Ulsterise' the war which included the attempted criminalisation of the IRA and attempted normalisation of the war situation.'
Bobby set himself to work tackling the social issues which affected the Twinbrook area. Here he became a community activist. According to Bernadette, 'When he got out of jail that first time our estate had no Green Cross, no Sinn Fein, nor anything like that.
He was involved in the Tenants' Association... He got the black taxis to run to Twinbrook because the bus service at that time was inadequate.
It got to the stage where people were coming to the door looking for Bobby to put up ramps on the roads in case cars were going too fast and would knock the children down.'
Within six months Bobby was arrested again.
There had been a bomb attack on the Balmoral Furniture Company at Dunmurry, followed by a gun-battle in which two men were wounded.
Bobby was in a car near the scene with three other young men.
The RUC captured them and found a revolver in the car.
The six men were taken to Castlereagh and were subjected to brutal interrogations for six days.
Bobby refused to answer any questions during his interrogation, except his name, age and address.
In a ninety-six verse poem written in 1980, entitled 'The Crime of Castlereagh', Bobby tells of his experiences in Castlereagh and his fears and thoughts at the time.
They came and came their job the same
In relays N'er they stopped.
'Just sign the line!' They shrieked each time
And beat me 'till I dropped.
They tortured me quite viciously
They threw me through the air.
It got so bad it seemed I had
Been beat beyond repair.
The days expired and no one tired,
Except of course the prey,
And knew they well that time would tell
Each dirty trick they laid on thick
For no one heard or saw,
Who dares to say in Castlereagh
The 'police' would break the law!
He was held on remand for eleven months until his trial in September 1977.
As at his previous trial he refused to recognise the court.
The judge admitted there was no evidence to link Bobby, or the other three young men with him, to the bombing.
So the four of them were sentenced to fourteen years each for possession of the one revolver.
Bobby spent the first twenty-two days of his sentence in solitary confinement, 'on the boards' in Crumlin Road jail.
For fifteen of those days he was completely naked.
He was moved to the H-Blocks and joined the blanket protest.
He began to write for Republican News and then after February 1979 for the newly-merged An Phobhacht/Republican News under the pen-name, 'Marcella', his sister's name.
His articles and letters, in minute handwriting, like all communications from the H-Blocks, were smuggled out on tiny pieces of toilet paper.
He wrote: 'The days were long and lonely.
The sudden and total deprivation of such basic human necessities as exercise and fresh air, association with other people, my own clothes and things like newspapers, radio, cigarettes books and a host of other things, made my life very hard.'
Bobby became PRO for the blanket men and was in constant confrontation with the prison authorities which resulted in several spells of solitary confinement.
In the H-Blocks, beatings, long periods in the punishment cells, starvation diets and torture were commonplace as the prison authorities, with the full knowledge and consent of the British administration, imposed a harsh and brutal regime on the prisoners in their attempts to break the prisoners' resistance to criminalisation.
The H-Blocks became the battlefield in which the republican spirit of resistance met head-on all the inhumanities that the British could perpetrate.
The republican spirit prevailed and in April 1978 in protest against systematic ill-treatment when they went to the toilets or got showered, the H-Block prisoners refused to wash or slop-out.
They were joined in this no-wash protest by the women in Armagh jail in February 1980 when they were subjected to similar harassment.
On October 27th, 1980, following the breakdown of talks between British direct ruler in the North, Humphrey Atkins, and Cardinal O Fiaich, the Irish Catholic primate, seven prisoners in the H-Blocks began a hunger strike.
Bobby volunteered for the fast but instead he succeeded, as O/C, Brendan Hughes, who went on hunger-strike.
During the hunger-strike he was given political recognition by the prison authorities.
The day after a senior British official visited the hunger-strikers,
Bobby was brought half a mile in a prison van from H3 to the prison hospital to visit them.
Subsequently he was allowed several meetings with Brendan Hughes.
He was not involved in the decision to end the hunger-strike which was taken by the seven men alone.
But later that night he was taken to meet them and was allowed to visit republican prison leaders in H-Blocks 4, 5 and 6.
On December 19th, 1980, Bobby issued a statement that the prisoners would not wear prison-issue clothing nor do prison work.
He then began negotiations with the prison governor, Stanley Hilditch, for a step-by-step de-escalation of the protest.
But the prisoners' efforts were rebuffed by the authorities: 'We discovered that our good will and flexibility were in vain,' wrote Bobby.
It was made abundantly clear during one of my co-operation' meetings with prison officials that strict conformity was required. which in essence meant acceptance of criminal status.
In the H-Blocks the British saw the opportunity to defeat the IRA by criminalising Irish freedom fighters but the blanketmen, perhaps more than those on the outside, appreciated before anyone else the grave repercussions, and so they fought.
Bobby volunteered to lead the new hunger strike.
He saw it as a microcosm of the way the Brits were treating Ireland historically and presently, Bobby realised that someone would have to die to win political status.
He insisted on starting two weeks in front of the others so that perhaps his death could secure the five demands and save their lives.
For the first seventeen days of the hunger strike Bobby kept a secret diary in which he wrote his thoughts and views, mostly in English but occasionally breaking into Gaelic.
He had no fear of death and saw the hunger-strike as something much larger than the five demands and as having major repercussions for British rule in Ireland. T
he diary was written on toilet paper in biro pen and had to be hidden, mostly carried inside Bobby's own body.
During those first seventeen days Bobby lost a total of sixteen pounds weight and on Monday, March 23rd, he was moved to the prison hospital.
On March 30th, he was nominated as candidate for the Fermanagh and South Tyrone by-election caused by the sudden death of Frank Maguire, an independent MP who supported the prisoners' cause.
The next morning, day thirty-one, of his hunger-strike, he was visited by Owen Carron who acted as his election agent.
Owen told of that first visit 'Instead of meeting that young man of the poster with long hair and a fresh face, even at that time when Bobby wasn't too bad he was radically changed.
He was very thin and bony and his hair was cut short.'
Bobby had no illusions with regard to his election victory.
His reaction was not one of over-optimism.
After the result was announced Owen visited Bobby.
"He had already heard the result on the radio.
He was in good form alright but he always used to keep saying, 'In my position you can't afford to be optimistic.'
In other words, he didn't take it that because he'd won an election that his life would be saved.
He thought that the Brits would need their pound of flesh.
I think he was always working on the premise that he would have to die."
At 1.17 a.m. on Tuesday, May 5th, having completed sixty-five days on hunger-strike, Bobby Sands MP, died in the H-Block prison hospital at Long Kesh.
Bobby was a truly unique person whose loss is great and immeasurable.
He never gave himself a moment to spare. He lived his life energetically, dedicated to his people and to the republican cause, eventually offering up his life in a conscious effort to further that cause and the cause of those with whom he had shared almost eight years of his adult life.
In his own words: "of course I can be murdered but I remain what I am, a political POW and no-one, not even the British, can change that."
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ME YOU & US- ITS MY GOLDEN ANNIVERSARY TODAY
Updated: 25 Jun 2010
ITS MY GOLDEN ANNIVERSARY TODAY
A Golden Moment ?
My Golden Anniversary
Not often celebrated, but I know not why.
Is it something to be ashamed of ?
Of course not.
Is it something to celebrated
OF COURSE IT IS.
AND WHY NOT ?
Being 67 years old this week got me thinking
Not only my birthday , But also 50 years ago.
It came to me while lying in bed this afternoon
Its my fcuking anniversary
24th June 1960
No really !
It is 50 year ago today since I fcuked my first girl.
I am sure she wont mind
If she even remembers me
But I remember her
She was Catriona McKinnon
The place was Blackwaterfoot
Isle of Arran
And we were on holiday
It happened in the back of my father’s shooting break
Perhaps that’s why they called it a shooting break
It was a holiday romance
The sort that only last for one holiday.
I have never seen her since,
But I remember her face
And I remember her pussy
A lovely hairy one
Ive always liked hairy ones
IT WAS A REALLY LOVELY FCUK TOO.
Maybe that’s the reason why
A MEMORABLE AND PLEASANT EXPERIENCE
THERE HAVE BEEN SOME AND THERE HAVE BEEN SOME TIMES TO FORGET…
There I was in bed with my wife
Not the first nor the second
But I hope the last.
She wasn’t even born then
She’s 25 now and a lovely ….
So there I was askin her if she would like to go round the world again !!!!!!!!!!
And it just came to be.
50 years of “boom booming”
AND I THOUGHT
IT COULD HAVE BEEN WITH SO MANY GIRLS
BUT I AM SO GLAD IT WAS MY “ROSE”
Well ! Go on congratulate me.
Just as I would congratulate you if you can remember your 50th year anniversary
Fcuk Women Lib
This is one for the boys.
I know what you may be thinking
Which was the best
Which was the most memorable
Well! You can ask, but I couldn’t possbly comment
Sufficient to say :-
“THANK HEAVENS FOR LITTLE GIRLS”
FOR LITTLE GIRLS GET OLDER EVERY DAY
THANK HEAVENS FOR LITTLE GIRLS
THEY GROW UP IN THE MOST DELIGHTFUL WAY….
Doesn’t my Platinum or Diamond come next?
In 25 more years
I will be 92 then
What do you mean too old?
You’re only as old as you feel
And I still feel like it everyday.
With a little help from Bluey.
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ME YOU AND US- CHARLES DICKENS - VICTORIAN AUTHOR
Updated: 15 Jun 2010
Charles Dickens (1812-1870), English Victorian era author wrote numerous highly acclaimed novels including his most autobiographical David Copperfield (1848-1850);
“Whether I shall turn out to be the hero of my own life, or whether that station will be held by anybody else, these pages must show.
To begin my life with the beginning of my life, I record that I was born (as I have been informed and believe) on a Friday, at twelve o'clock at night. It was remarked that the clock began to strike, and I began to cry, simultaneously.”
As a prolific 19th Century author of short stories, plays, novellas, novels, fiction and non, during his lifetime Dickens became known the world over for his remarkable characters, his mastery of prose in the telling of their lives, and his depictions of the social classes, mores and values of his times.
Some considered him the spokesman for the poor, for he definitely brought much awareness to their plight, the downtrodden and the have-nots.
He had his share of critics like Virginia Woolf and Henry James, but also many admirers, even into the 21st Century.
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ME YOU & US- ERIC PICKLES IS NO DICKENS- "PICKWICK"
Updated: 15 Jun 2010
Eric Pickles: The Tory heavyweight
A consummate political organiser,
he rose fast through the Tory ranks,
but can 'the beast of Bradford' be the life and soul of Cameron's party?
By Paul Vallely
Saturday, 24 January 2009
UPPA
Eric Pickles at a Conservative Shadow Cabinet meeting
Eric Pickles awoke early yesterday and heaved his not inconsiderable bulk out of a narrow berth on the overnight sleeper train to Cornwall. He needed to be up betimes.
He had a 7.30am breakfast meeting in Truro.
And after that it was to be a non-stop tour of the marginal seats the Conservative Party hopes to filch from the Liberals at the next election.
His working diary for the start of Pickles' tenure as Chairman of the Conservative Party – the role he acquired this week in David Cameron's Shadow Cabinet reshuffle – tells us two things.
Eric Pickles intends to work very hard to secure his party's victory at the next general election whenever it is called over the next two years.
And he intends, in doing so, to deploy the strategic sense he has developed in overseeing the successful Tory tactics at local council and parliamentary by-elections in recent years.
Those two qualities, of course, were not the only reason he was appointed to the flagship electioneering role.
For all their success to date, the Conservatives still have not really broken through in the North of England.
If anything can counter the impression that the modern Tory party is dominated by an effete crowd of silver-spooned Notting Hill public schoolboys, it is the straight-talking bluff jocularity of this son of the North.
The appointment cuts both ways, of course, for if there was ever a larger-than-life antidote to David Cameron's claim that the Conservatives are now the progressive party it is personified in Eric Pickles, who does not have a progressive bone in his substantial blunt-speaking body.
Which is presumably why, in a pre-reshuffle poll of the grass-roots Tory readership of the ConservativeHome website, 75 per cent said that the jovial man of the people was their favoured candidate for the job he has now been given.
"He's William Hague without the intellect," said one of those readers.
"I don't mean that to sound badly.
Pickles is no fool but he's a great reader of the instincts of ordinary people."
It is not hard to see why.
Pickles wasn't born into the Tory party.
He chose it.
His parents were working-class Labour voters in Keighley in the West Riding of Yorkshire, and his grandfather was one of the founders of the Independent Labour Party which was set up in Bradford in 1893.
But Pickles switched his political allegiance at the age of 16 and joined the Conservative Party in outraged response to the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968.
By the time he left Greenhead Grammar School for Leeds Polytechnic, he was a fully fledged Young Conservative, swiftly becoming chairman of the local association.
By his late twenties, he was elected to Bradford Council.
A year later he became leader of its Conservative group.
It was here that he first showed his political ruthlessness.
Foreseeing that local elections might produce a hung council, he rifled through the constitution to discover that the Lord Mayor could cast a substantive vote plus a casting vote on every matter before the council.
Using that he seized power from the Labour Party which had held sway in Bradford for as long as anyone could remember.
The Labour and Liberal factions were outraged.
But they were even more angered when, at the end of the Lord Mayor's term, Pickles overturned tradition by refusing another party its turn to nominate a new mayor and implanting another Tory.
A journalist who wrote a book about the affair blurbed it as owing "more to a soap opera than a council chamber; intrigue and double-dealing, ambition and power, sex and money, conspiracy and corruption, betrayal and blackmail".
But there was more to it than political manoeuvring. Pickles, having gained control of the Conservatives' only inner-city council, set about an unprecedented round of cuts, sell-offs, price rises and job losses.
At the first meeting, £5.8m was cut from the budget, chiefly in education. Council rents went up.
So did charges for leisure centres, car parks, school meals, home helps, meals on wheels, OAP luncheon clubs and cemeteries.
Teachers, caretakers, maintenance workers, crèche and nursery staff, social workers and council officers all lost their jobs.
Old people's homes were sold off and Benefit Advice Centres closed.
Pickles announced that his five-year plan was to slash £50m from the budget, cut the council workforce by a third, privatise services and restructure the authority.
The council would simply became a "holding" company which would meet two or three times a year in order to sign contracts with private companies that would provide whatever services remained.
It was Thatcherism at its most red-blooded. Eric Pickles – now dubbed "The Beast of Bradford" – became a villain and a hero in equal proportion.
Today, being a Cameroony kind of Conservative – who insists that he's now moved more to the "moderate centre-right" – he looks back at his Bradford days with a revisionist eye his leader would surely approve.
"If you look at the initiatives we undertook, it now looks remarkably New Labour – best value, quality assurance, mixture of private and public," he chuckled to one interviewer recently.
"It was cutting-edge stuff then."
It's not how others still in the area remember things. "He was arrogant and ruthless, pugnacious, utterly charmless and incredibly reactionary," one Bradford Council insider said yesterday.
"And for all his constant reference to being co-chair of Joint Committee Against Racism between 1982 and 1987, he is not remembered with affection by the Asian community."
It did not matter. He had won the affection of Margaret Thatcher, who shoehorned her golden boy of the north into one of the Conservative party's safest seats in as MP for Brentwood and Ongar.
The locals on the selection committee were wary of him until one asked him his faults and he replied that he was fat and loved westerns. "They laughed until the tiles were coming off the ceiling," he recalled.
His rise through the Tory ranks has been smooth and barely perceptible.
He voted against ID cards, gay rights, a ban on hunting and stronger anti-terrorism laws and in favour of the Iraq war, a replacement for Trident and action to curb climate change.
There was a small ripple in his progress when 119 members of a controversial Christian sect all joined his local Tory party on one day and the sleaze-busting independent Martin Bell stood against him in the 2001 general election, slashing his majority to below 3,000.
But by the next election it was back to 50 per cent of the vote and Pickles moved through the gears as shadow spokesman on social security, then transport, then local government.
Parliament mellowed him, says one Labour MP who knew him in his Bradford days.
"He's changed quite markedly since he went south. He's less hard right and doesn't talk anywhere near as tough. He's impatient to get things done but he's pragmatic and he does his homework.
He has retained a passion for local government which is genuine and to be respected," the Labour man said yesterday."He looks a nice old duffer – he's built for comfort, not for speed," said a Tory colleague.
"But he's no fool. He's tenacious and a rather tough cookie. He's an earthy counterweight to the Notting Hill set.
His bulk gives him bottom and gravitas; bald people don't do well in politics but big people do."
His biggest asset is that he sees politics as voters do rather than as a politician.
His website gives prominence to his expense claims, showing they are lower than those of many MPs.
And it reveals he has just two side interests – as director of a property firm and adviser to the Royal British Legion Industries – which makes him practically a full-time politician by comparison with many of his shadow cabinet colleagues.
He has a good eye for Middle England. He has spoken about how the Tories will "purge town hall 'fat cats'".
And he lambastes government moves to bully local councils into axing weekly rubbish collections.
But he knows how to marry that to political tactics.
He recently told the Conservative Councillors' Association that now was the time for the party's councillors to start saying "no" to Whitehall – because the consequences of their lack of co-operation will bring political benefits without any practical repercussions until after the next election when he hopes he will be in power.
It was the combination of these populist instincts with his shrewd tactical eye which, many commentators suggest, won the Tories the Crewe and Nantwich by-election in May 2008 in which his earthy Yorkshire style undermined the efforts of Labour to suggest that the Tories were still the party of Old Etonian toffs.
"I don't feel like I'm a ballast," Pickles said when asked about David Cameron's reshuffle.
"When he's putting a shadow cabinet together, he doesn't say, 'Two posh people equals one fat Yorkshireman.' I don't think I'd make it round the table if I was there to serve the drinks or make the odd witty quip. I've been at the top of it for a very long time.
Folk know me.
I've been around."
His Labour counterparts know that in Eric Pickles they will have an effective opponent.
A life in brief
Born: 20 April 1952 in Keighley, West Riding of Yorkshire, to working-class Labour-voting parents.
Education: Greenhead Grammar School, north Keighley. Then Leeds Polytechnic.
Career: Leader of Bradford Council, 1988-90. Elected MP for Brentwood and Ongar, 1992.
Frontbench spokesman on social security, 1998. shadow minister for transport and minister for London, 2001. Shadow minister for local government and the regions, 2002.
Shadow Secretary of State for Communities and Local Government, 2007. Chairman of the Conservative Party, 2009.
He says: "It's not that two posh people equal one fat Yorkshireman.
I don't think I'd make it round the table if I was there to serve the drinks or make the odd quip."
They say: "A consummate party organiser, with huge election experience, he ran rings round Labour when he master-minded last year's Tory victory in the Crewe and Nantwich by-election." Michael Brown, former Tory MP
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POLITICS BRITAIN- A CATALOGUE OF ABUSE BY THE BRITISH ARMY
Updated: 12 Jun 2010
Rotten to its core
Friday 11 June 2010
Paddy McGuffin
Three days from now Lord Saville of Newdigate will publish his findings into the Bloody Sunday massacre of January 30 1972.
Thirty-eight years after the atrocity on the streets of Derry the families of those murdered and those wounded on the day may finally get what they have been seeking for almost four decades - official recognition of the innocence of their loved ones and the guilt of their killers.
There will be vast amounts of fascinating detail in the Saville report and it will no doubt shed much light on hitherto unestablished elements of the day.
What we do not need the Law Lord to tell us is that Gerald Donaghy, Gerald McKinney, William McKinney, James Wray, William Nash, Michael McDaid, Michael Kelly, John Young, Kevin McElhinney, Hugh Gilmour, Barney McGuigan, Patrick Doherty, Jackie Duddy and John Johnston were deliberately and unlawfully killed by the paras.
All of them were unarmed and six of them were only 17 years old.
This, at the very least, suggests that there was a specific policy of targeting people within a certain age bracket.
There were 10,000 people on that march and yet all of those shot were male and almost half were teenagers with their whole lives ahead of them.
To suggest this was coincidental is preposterous.
The inquiry heard testimony from a whistle-blowing former para, known by the cipher Soldier 027, that the shock troops of the Parachute Regiment were told to get "some kills."
There can only be one acceptable conclusion from the Saville report.
Anything else would further perpetuate the travesty of justice and compound the pain of the families and the wounded who have displayed such dignity in the face of almost overwhelming adversity.
Last Thursday also saw the last substantive day of evidence at another inquiry - that into the murder, again by British troops, of 26-year-old Basra hotelier Baha Mousa.
Mousa was kicked and beaten to death with a sack over his head in a filthy toilet at the British detention centre in Iraq.
Half a world and nigh on 40 years apart, these atrocities bear more similarities than the state and the armed forces would wish to admit.
This is not taking into account various other massacres committed in both Iraq and Afghanistan.
The palpable truth of the matter is that the British army does not contain a few bad apples - it is rotten root and branch.
Both Bloody Sunday and the savage killing of Mousa were war crimes, pure and simple and the blame does not rest with those who pulled the triggers or punched, kicked and gouged alone.
The mainstream media still spinelessly refer to the "alleged" beating to death of Mousa by British troops.
Yeah, because of course anyone can just wander into a high-security British military detention facility and give someone a kicking.
Mousa is dead.
He was alive when he went into the BG main facility.
Some 36 hours later his battered and almost unrecognisable body was carried out.
It doesn't take Slipper of the Yard to work out what happened and what will continue to happen if trained killers are used in a policing role.
You wouldn't let the Met or the RUC invade Afghanistan, however much they might be up for it.
This is not so much a iron fist in a velvet glove, it's a sodding big club with nails in it.
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